{"id":10840,"date":"2010-03-01T13:04:52","date_gmt":"2010-03-01T11:04:52","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/109.232.216.219\/~bilimvegelecek\/?p=10840"},"modified":"2021-03-31T16:19:09","modified_gmt":"2021-03-31T13:19:09","slug":"neoliberal-ozguculugun-izinde-bir-taslak","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/bilimvegelecek.com.tr\/index.php\/2010\/03\/01\/neoliberal-ozguculugun-izinde-bir-taslak","title":{"rendered":"Neoliberal \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn izinde bir taslak"},"content":{"rendered":"

\u00d6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fck, bir \u00fclkenin, di\u011ferlerinden ayr\u0131, m\u00fcstesna, kendisine \u00f6zg\u00fc sosyolojik ve tarihsel nitelikleri oldu\u011funu kabul eden, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla g\u00fcncel siyasal sorunlar\u0131 bu \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcnl\u00fckler\u201d \u00fczerinden \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmleyen bir yakla\u015f\u0131m. Genellikle milliyet\u00e7ilik ve devlet\u00e7ilikle an\u0131lan \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn liberal versiyonu da var. Bu liberal \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn bir \u00f6rne\u011fini \u00fclkemizde liberal-muhafazak\u00e2r ittifak\u0131n yeni tarih tezinde g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz. Bu kesim, 2002 y\u0131l\u0131ndaki AKP iktidar\u0131n\u0131, akademik liberalizmin iki as\u0131rd\u0131r yolunu g\u00f6zledi\u011fi, \u201cdemokrasi teleolojisi\u201dni ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirecek bir mesih s\u0131fat\u0131nda kar\u015f\u0131lad\u0131.
\n<\/em>Rusya\u2019da muhafazak\u00e2r \u015fair ve devlet adam\u0131 Tyut\u00e7ev \u201cRusya ak\u0131lla anla\u015f\u0131lmaz, b\u00fcy\u00fckl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc her aletle \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fclmez, onun \u00f6zg\u00fcn bir durumu vard\u0131r, Rusya\u2019ya ancak inan\u0131labilir\u201d derken kime sesleniyordu, bilemiyoruz. Emin oldu\u011fumuz, bu dizeleri, devrimci d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerin Rus entelekt\u00fcel ya\u015fam\u0131na bir k\u0131rba\u00e7 gibi indi\u011fi 1860\u2019l\u0131 y\u0131llarda kaleme ald\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. \u00c7a\u011fda\u015flar\u0131 olan Rus Bat\u0131c\u0131lar\u0131\u2019yla yaln\u0131zca siyaseten de\u011fil, sanatsal tutumunda da mesafeli olup, \u00f6rne\u011fin bir Pu\u015fkin\u2019den farkl\u0131 olarak, belki de ona inat, heybetli arkaik Slav kal\u0131plar\u0131n\u0131 \u015fiirine ta\u015f\u0131maya \u00f6zel \u00f6nem g\u00f6steriyordu. Rusya\u2019ya inan(d\u0131r)man\u0131n yolunu, Bat\u0131 yolundan ayr\u0131lmakta bulmu\u015ftu.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Peki, bir sosyal bilim ve tarih yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 olarak, \u0130ngilizce\u2019de \u201cparticularism\u201d ya da \u201cexceptionalism\u201d olarak ge\u00e7en, T\u00fcrk\u00e7e\u2019ye birebir \u00e7evirisiyle \u201cistisnac\u0131l\u0131k\u201d ya da \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fck\u201d bi\u00e7iminde aktarabilece\u011fimiz tutum nedir ve nas\u0131l tan\u0131mlanmal\u0131d\u0131r? Belki de, en do\u011fru bi\u00e7imde, \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fck, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce d\u00fcnyas\u0131nda s\u00fcrekli bir \u201cseferberlik\u201d hali olarak tan\u0131mlanabilir. Ola\u011fan olan\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda, bir anormal, atipik durumda, t\u00fcm keskin ve k\u00f6kten k\u00fclt\u00fcrel, bu arada siyasal ayr\u0131mlar\u0131n \u00f6rtbas edildi\u011fi bir entelekt\u00fcel d\u00fczenden s\u00f6z ediyoruz.<\/p>\n

Bir \u00fclkenin, di\u011ferlerinden ayr\u0131, m\u00fcstesna, kendisine \u00f6zg\u00fc sosyolojik ve tarihsel nitelikleri oldu\u011funu kabul eden, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla g\u00fcncel siyasal aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131n bu \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcnl\u00fckler\u201d \u00fczerinden \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlenmesi gerekti\u011fini va\u2019z eden bir yakla\u015f\u0131m olarak \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fck, t\u00fcm d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131 kesen bir niteli\u011fe b\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcyor. Ku\u015fkusuz, her \u00fclkenin kendine \u00f6zg\u00fc belli nitelikleri var ama \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn i\u015flevi, belli bir ge\u00e7mi\u015f kurgusu i\u00e7inde, \u00fclkeye \u00f6zg\u00fc bir zamansall\u0131k kurmas\u0131, bunlar\u0131 \u00fclkenin t\u00fcm siyasal, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel gidi\u015fat\u0131n\u0131 belirleyecek mutlakl\u0131kta g\u00fcncelle harmanlamas\u0131d\u0131r. \u00dclkenin zaman\u0131, g\u00fcncel toplumsal yap\u0131s\u0131, tarih de tan\u0131kl\u0131\u011fa \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131larak bir kez evrensel \u201czamandan\u201d ayr\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, edebiyattan g\u00fczel sanatlara, iktisattan m\u00fczi\u011fe dek t\u00fcm bir k\u00fclt\u00fcr ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131n temeli, art\u0131k o \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcn niteliklerin\u201d a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla sabitlenmektedir.<\/p>\n

\u00d6zg\u00fcn nitelikleri mutlakla\u015ft\u0131rmak, ku\u015fkusuz ilk a\u015famada milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131\u015ft\u0131ran bir tutumdur. Ger\u00e7ekten de, 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015flar\u0131ndan itibaren, par\u00e7al\u0131 iktidar yap\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n merkezile\u015fmesi, belli bir co\u011frafyada ekonomik ve siyasal birli\u011fin kurulmas\u0131 s\u00fcrecinde, s\u00f6z konusu co\u011frafyaya \u00f6zg\u00fc k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ortakl\u0131klar\u0131n vurgulanmas\u0131, b\u00fcy\u00fct\u00fclmesi, hatta yok ise in\u015fa edilmesi, ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz bi\u00e7imde, milliyet\u00e7i ideolojinin kurulu\u015funa yol vermi\u015fti.<\/p>\n

Bunun en belirgin ve belki de ilk \u00f6rne\u011fi Almanya\u2019d\u0131r. \u00d6nce Alman romantizminde i\u015flenen k\u00fclt\u00fcrel milliyet\u00e7ilik, klasik Alman felsefesinin birikimini de yan\u0131na katarak, Alman siyasal birli\u011finin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnsel \u00f6nc\u00fcllerini yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bu d\u00f6nemde diriltilen Cermen ge\u00e7mi\u015fi Bismarckizm\u2019de ifadesini buluyor, Weimar Cumhuriyeti ile en son \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc Reich, yani Nazi \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu\u2019na dek t\u00fcm Alman devletleri boyunca izlenebilen ve g\u00fc\u00e7lenen bir geli\u015fim sergiliyordu. Alman d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin bu \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc sonderweg<\/strong>, \u00f6zg\u00fcn yol, kavram\u0131yla betimlemesi anlaml\u0131 ve \u00f6\u011freticidir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc asl\u0131nda \u00f6zg\u00fcnl\u00fckler, yaln\u0131zca bir milletin de\u011fi\u015fmez niteliklerini vurgulamak \u00fczere de\u011fil, d\u00f6nemin ruhuna uygun olarak, tarihin ilerleyi\u015finde, evrensel ve ola\u011fan olandan farkl\u0131 bir yol izlemenin ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmazl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kan\u0131tlamak \u00fczere ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131l\u0131yordu. Bu kan\u0131tlamada, Almanlar\u0131 \u201cnormal\u201d ilerleme yolundan, kendi s\u00f6ylemlerinde, Anglo-Sakson liberalizminde ifadesini bulan modernle\u015fme yolundan ay\u0131racak her t\u00fcrl\u00fc tarihsel veri ya\u015famsal \u00f6nem kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in \u201ctarih yaz\u0131m\u0131,\u201d bu \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fc ideolojide ba\u015fat yer tutmaktayd\u0131. Ba\u015fka deyi\u015fle, Almanya\u2019n\u0131n devlet\u00e7i modernle\u015fme seferberli\u011fi, Alman tarih\u00e7i gelene\u011fince Cermen tarihinin derinliklerinden emilen \u00f6zg\u00fcnl\u00fcklerle ideolojik besinini sa\u011fl\u0131yordu.<\/p>\n

\"\"
Almanya\u2019n\u0131n ilk \u015fans\u00f6lyesi (ba\u015fbakan) Otto von Bismarck. Diriltilen Cermen ge\u00e7mi\u015fi Bismarckizm\u2019de ifadesini bulmu\u015ftu.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

19.y\u00fczy\u0131l Alman d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesindeki \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fck, bu \u201cge\u00e7mi\u015f\u201d kurgusunun \u00fczerine, g\u00fcncel ekonomik \u00f6\u011fretiler in\u015fa etmekte gecikmedi. Belki de en net \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc, liberalizmi ve piyasan\u0131n g\u00f6r\u00fcnmez elini \u201cnorm\u201d sayan Bat\u0131 ekonomi bilimine kar\u015f\u0131t bi\u00e7imde, devlet\u00e7i ekonominin ilk teorik temellerini atan Friedrich List\u2019dir. Frans\u0131z Devrimi\u2019yle ayn\u0131 y\u0131l, 1789\u2019da do\u011fup Alman tarihsel ekonomi ekol\u00fcn\u00fc kurarak 1846 y\u0131l\u0131nda \u00f6len bu Alman iktisat\u00e7\u0131, ekonomi biliminin temeline homo economicus<\/em> olarak bireyi de\u011fil, tarihle desteklenmi\u015f haliyle \u201cmillet\u201di yerle\u015ftiriyor; \u201cb\u0131rak\u0131n\u0131z yaps\u0131nlar\u201dc\u0131 \u0130ngiliz \u00f6\u011fretisinin ve ticaretin yerine, devlet g\u00fcd\u00fcml\u00fc ve yal\u0131t\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, milliyet\u00e7i sanayile\u015fme hamleleri \u00f6neriyordu.<\/p>\n

19.y\u00fczy\u0131l ile 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ilk yar\u0131s\u0131 aras\u0131nda egemen olan Sonderweg<\/strong> anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 asl\u0131nda hi\u00e7bir bak\u0131mdan sonder<\/strong>, yani \u00f6zel olmay\u0131p ba\u015fka \u00fclkelerin modernle\u015fme ser\u00fcvenlerinde de izlenebilir. List\u2019in, Marx\u2019tan sonra, yap\u0131tlar\u0131 di\u011fer dillere en \u00e7ok \u00e7evrilmi\u015f Alman iktisat\u00e7\u0131 olmas\u0131n\u0131 bunun g\u00f6stergesi saymak durumunday\u0131z. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de, devlet\u00e7ili\u011fin en kapsaml\u0131 savunucular\u0131ndan Kadro hareketine gelmeden; \u0130ttihat Terakki\u2019nin 1913 y\u0131l\u0131ndan itibaren benimsedi\u011fi, a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a List\u2019den etkilenen \u201cMilli \u0130ktisat\u201d siyasas\u0131ndan beri bu \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011fe tan\u0131k oluyorduk. Geleneklerini koruyarak modernle\u015fme \u00f6rne\u011fi bi\u00e7iminde g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnden T\u00fcrk muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n feti\u015flerinden olan Japonya da, Alman \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc yineleyerek, \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 arifesinde ayr\u0131 bir geli\u015fme yolunu ideolojik olarak me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131rma aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131na h\u0131z kazand\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Kyoto\u2019da 1943\u2019te bir sempozyumda toplanan Japon sosyal bilimci ve tarih\u00e7ilerinin g\u00fcndemi, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz tarih\u00e7isi Harootunian\u2019\u0131n kitab\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131nda belirtti\u011fi gibi \u201cOvercoming Modernity\u201d oluyordu: Modernli\u011fi A\u015fmak.<\/p>\n

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19. y\u00fczy\u0131ldan \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n sonuna dek, Sonderweg anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 \u00f6nce modernle\u015ftirici imparatorluklar\u0131, sonra da ilk milli devlet olu\u015fumlar\u0131n\u0131 belirleyen bir ideolojik motif halini alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

K\u0131sacas\u0131, 19. y\u00fczy\u0131ldan \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n sonuna dek, Sonderweg<\/strong> \u00f6nce modernle\u015ftirici imparatorluklar\u0131, sonra da ilk milli devlet olu\u015fumlar\u0131n\u0131 belirleyen bir ideolojik motif halini alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. 19. y\u00fczy\u0131lda \u0130ngiltere\u2019nin d\u0131\u015far\u0131dan bak\u0131nca g\u00f6z kama\u015ft\u0131ran serpili\u015fi, di\u011fer milletlerin entelekt\u00fcel ya\u015fam\u0131nda \u0130ngiliz modelini taklit ile ayr\u0131 yol arama aras\u0131nda bir gerilim olu\u015fturuyordu; peki gerilimin \u201cdevlet\u00e7i\u201d ayr\u0131 yol lehine \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmesi, ar\u0131 bir entelekt\u00fcel zafer miydi? \u00dclkenin k\u00fclt\u00fcrel, ekonomik ve siyasal y\u00f6netiminin devlet\u00e7i yol lehine seferber edilmesinin nedeni ne olabilir? Ku\u015fkusuz \u201cmillet\u201d olu\u015fumunu h\u0131zl\u0131 devlet\u00e7i kalk\u0131nmayla harmanlayan \u00fclkelerin somut ba\u015far\u0131lar\u0131 rol oynam\u0131\u015f olabilir, ama \u201cba\u015far\u0131\u201d neden de\u011fil sonu\u00e7tur. Ge\u00e7 modernle\u015fmi\u015f \u00fclkelerde egemen entelekt\u00fcellerin, \u0130ngiliz ve Frans\u0131z modernle\u015fmesinde te\u015fhis ettikleri bir i\u00e7kin tehlikenin izlerini ar\u0131yoruz.<\/p>\n

Liberal \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fck
\n<\/strong>Yaln\u0131z, \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn \u00f6yk\u00fcs\u00fc \u201cdevlet\u00e7i\u201d ve milliyet\u00e7ilikle s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 de\u011fil. Bu d\u00f6nemin hemen ard\u0131ndan, 20. y\u00fczy\u0131ldaki ulusal kurtulu\u015f hareketlerince, milliyet\u00e7i rejimlerce benimsenmi\u015f olmas\u0131, \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fc e\u011filimin \u201cmilliyet\u00e7i\u201d ve \u201cdevlet\u00e7i\u201d tasar\u0131mlar\u0131 besledi\u011fine ili\u015fkin g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir izlenim uyand\u0131r\u0131yor. Oysa gene 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ilk yar\u0131s\u0131ndan ba\u015flayarak, \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn bir ba\u015fka bi\u00e7imi, exceptionalism<\/strong> olarak Amerika Birle\u015fik Devletleri\u2019nin t\u00fcm bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn ya\u015fam\u0131na damgas\u0131n\u0131 vuruyordu.<\/p>\n

Hem Amerikan \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bu \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma ba\u011flam\u0131nda \u00f6nemli bir k\u0131lavuz oldu\u011fundan, hem -K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck Amerika olmay\u0131 ge\u00e7ip daha k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck Amerika olmaya do\u011fru gitmemize ra\u011fmen- \u00fclkemizde Amerikan tarihi ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi neredeyse hi\u00e7 i\u015flenmedi\u011finden biraz a\u00e7mak durumunday\u0131m: \u0130\u00e7 sava\u015f sonras\u0131 Amerikan d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131 derinden etkileyen exceptionalism<\/strong>, Alman Sonderweg<\/strong>\u2019le temelde ayn\u0131 motiftir; ilk dayanaklar\u0131n\u0131 \u00fcnl\u00fc Frans\u0131z siyaset d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr\u00fc Tocqueville\u2019de bulan bir e\u011filim olarak, Amerika Birle\u015fik Devletleri\u2019nin, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n geri kalan\u0131ndan, elbette Avrupa\u2019dan ayr\u0131 toplumsal, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ve hatta co\u011frafi \u00f6zellikleri bulundu\u011funu savunuyordu. Ba\u015fat farkl\u0131l\u0131k ise, Amerika\u2019da feodalitenin olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 sav\u0131yd\u0131. Bir ak\u0131lc\u0131 iktisadi a\u00e7\u0131klama geli\u015ftirilmi\u015fti: Topraklar bol ve verimli oldu\u011fundan, b\u00fcy\u00fck toprak sahipleri olsa bile, bunlar uzun s\u00fcreli serf \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131ramamakta, serflerin ka\u00e7\u0131p ba\u015fka bir b\u00f6lgede kendi topraklar\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7itlemelerini \u00f6nleyememekteydi. Daha \u00f6nemlisi ise, Amerika, k\u00f6hne Avrupa\u2019dan ka\u00e7an g\u00f6\u00e7menlerin kurdu\u011fu, ancien regime <\/em>s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131ndan azade oldu\u011fundan, h\u00fcrriyet\u00e7i d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerin ilk kez serpildi\u011fi bir \u00fclke olarak Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n s\u0131rt\u0131ndaki \u201cgelenek y\u00fck\u00fcnden\u201d de ba\u011f\u0131\u015f\u0131k, s\u0131n\u0131rs\u0131zca geli\u015fmeye haz\u0131rd\u0131. Sanki ABD k\u00fclt\u00fcrel co\u011frafyas\u0131, kendini s\u0131f\u0131rdan yaratan giri\u015fimci adam yeti\u015ftirmek \u00fczere ilahi bir tasar\u0131m arz ediyordu.<\/p>\n

Bu ba\u011flamda, liberal exceptionalism<\/strong>de de dinsellik \u00f6zel bir yer tutuyordu. Protestanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n, olmayan ge\u00e7mi\u015fin eksik b\u0131rakt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201cmetafizik dava\u201d bo\u015flu\u011funu doldurdu\u011fu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclebilir; ABD\u2019lilik, eninde sonunda, bir uygarl\u0131k \u201cmisyonu\u201d \u00fcstlenmi\u015f, bu misyonu -bir t\u00fcr \u201ch\u0131ristiyan siyonizm\u201d \u00f6rne\u011fi olarak- vaat edilmi\u015f topraklarda s\u0131n\u0131rs\u0131z toplumsal ba\u015far\u0131larla s\u00fcrekli ilerlemeyle ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmeye dayal\u0131 bir kimlikti. Amerikan liberalizminin \u00f6nemli adlar\u0131ndan Herbert Croly, tam da \u201cbir demokrat evanjelistin, bir \u0130sa modelinin ortaya \u00e7\u0131karak insanl\u0131\u011fa bireysel ve toplumsal ba\u015far\u0131lar\u0131 sa\u011flayacak maneviyat yolunu g\u00f6sterece\u011fini\u201d umuyordu. Se\u00e7ilmi\u015f ulus, 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l sonlar\u0131nda, mesihini aramaktayd\u0131.<\/p>\n

Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, iki \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn \u201cge\u00e7mi\u015f\u201d tasar\u0131mlar\u0131 ilk bak\u0131\u015fta farkl\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcnmektedir: Avrupa\u2019da \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fck, etno-simgeci milliyet\u00e7ilik teorilerini do\u011frular bi\u00e7imde antik ge\u00e7mi\u015fi \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131rken, Amerikan \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc antik ge\u00e7mi\u015f ve k\u00f6k yoksunlu\u011funu \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcn \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fck\u201d olarak kaydediyor, tam da bu nedenle ABD\u2019nin t\u00fcm uygarl\u0131k ad\u0131na ilerleme sanca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kald\u0131racak yeg\u00e2ne ulus oldu\u011funu \u00f6ne s\u00fcr\u00fcyordu. \u0130ki ayr\u0131 tarih demek, iki ayr\u0131 \u201cyurtta\u015f\u201d demektir. S\u00f6z konusu d\u00f6nem Avrupa \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde, yurtta\u015fl\u0131k ve birey h\u00fcrriyeti, eninde sonunda t\u00fcm bir milletin y\u00fcksek \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 ve topluluk refah\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fct\u00fcne ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131yd\u0131; ABD \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn yurtta\u015f\u0131 ise, Avrupal\u0131 k\u00f6kleriyle ba\u011f\u0131n\u0131 koparm\u0131\u015fken, kendini yeni ba\u015ftan ve s\u0131f\u0131rdan in\u015fa edebilecek, bir \u201cself-made man\u201d tipolojisiydi. Bu bak\u0131mdan \u201ctoplumsal refah\u0131n, her bireyin kendi \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131 pe\u015finde ko\u015fmas\u0131yla artaca\u011f\u0131\u201d yolundaki basmakal\u0131p liberal d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin \u201cv\u00fccut bulabilece\u011fi yeg\u00e2ne \u00fclke\u201d olarak i\u015fleniyordu.<\/p>\n

Gene bununla ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131 iki farkl\u0131 gelecek tasar\u0131m\u0131 s\u00f6z konusudur; Avrupa \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, Naziler\u2019in Cermen ge\u00e7mi\u015fe at\u0131fla kulland\u0131klar\u0131 hakenkreuz<\/strong>, gamal\u0131 ha\u00e7 simgesinde g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gibi, antik ge\u00e7mi\u015fin yeniden kuruldu\u011fu bir gelecek vaat ederken, 1880\u2019lerle birlikte \u201cprogressive era\u201d, ilerleme \u00e7a\u011f\u0131na girdi\u011fini ilan eden Amerika Birle\u015fik Devletleri\u2019nde \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fck, kendini s\u0131f\u0131rdan yaratm\u0131\u015f kapitalist bireylerin itkisiyle do\u011facak sonsuz bir potansiyele i\u015faret etmekteydi. Avrupa \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, milli bilinci, a\u00e7\u0131k millenialist (bin y\u0131lc\u0131) vurgularla d\u00f6ng\u00fcsel, skolastik bir zamansall\u0131\u011fa yerle\u015ftirirken, ABD\u2019de \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fck \u00e7izgisel olarak ilerleyen bir zamansall\u0131k \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fcyordu.<\/p>\n

Demek, \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fck yaln\u0131zca milliyet\u00e7i ideoloji taraf\u0131ndan de\u011fil, liberalizmin kalesi olan Amerika Birle\u015fik Devletleri\u2019nde de kurucu ideolojinin yap\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131yd\u0131. Kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya oldu\u011fumuz, \u00e7o\u011funlukla milliyet\u00e7ilikle ba\u011fda\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lan \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fck konusunda farkl\u0131 bir bilgidir ve burada bizi \u00f6zellikle ilgilendirmektedir.<\/p>\n

\"\"
Alman tarihsel ekonomi ekol\u00fcn\u00fc kuran Alman iktisat\u00e7\u0131 Friedrich List, ekonomi biliminin temeline homo economicus olarak bireyi de\u011fil, tarihle desteklenmi\u015f haliyle \u201cmillet\u201di yerle\u015ftiriyordu.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Fa\u015fizmden liberalizme \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fck: S\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131zl\u0131k teorisi
\n<\/strong>Peki, bu farkl\u0131l\u0131klara ra\u011fmen, biri fa\u015fizmle sonu\u00e7lanm\u0131\u015f, di\u011feri liberal ideoloji ile emperyal hevesleri desteklemi\u015f iki farkl\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn d\u00fcnyas\u0131 \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fckte ne buluyordu? Daha naif bir soruyla, neden, milletlerin uyan\u0131\u015f \u00e7a\u011f\u0131nda, \u00e7e\u015fitli milli devletler, bu arada T\u00fcrkiye, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce d\u00fcnyalar\u0131nda kendilerini bir \u201cistisna\u201d olarak kodlama gere\u011fi duyuyorlard\u0131? S\u00f6z konusu \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fcklerdeki ortakl\u0131klar\u0131n izini s\u00fcrerek bu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnsel refleksi anlamada baz\u0131 temeller ke\u015ffedebiliriz.<\/p>\n

Birincisi ve g\u00f6rece \u00f6nemsiz olan\u0131, hepsinde -etnik ya da de\u011fil- bir milli kimlik ile dinsel kimlik birlikte \u00f6r\u00fclmekteydi. Dinin yeniden yorumlanmas\u0131 da bu \u00e7abalar\u0131n bir par\u00e7as\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Ortakl\u0131klardan ikincisi ve daha \u00f6nemli olan\u0131, tam da yaz\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n giri\u015finde \u201cd\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnsel seferberlik hali\u201d olarak tarif etti\u011fimiz durumda yatmaktad\u0131r. Bu ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc hal, s\u00f6z konusu \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fcklerin ge\u00e7mi\u015f ve gelecek tasar\u0131mlar\u0131ndan sonra \u201cbug\u00fcne\u201d ili\u015fkin tasar\u0131mlar\u0131na, somut siyasal i\u00e7eriklerine bak\u0131larak anla\u015f\u0131labilir. T\u00fcm bu \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fckler, sosyal bilim ve tarih yorumlar\u0131ndaki \u201cnesnellik\u201d iddialar\u0131na, mesafeli ve so\u011fukkanl\u0131 akademik retori\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131n, son derece acil g\u00fcncel, siyasal korkular\u0131 ve se\u00e7imleri yans\u0131t\u0131yordu.<\/p>\n

Ne korkusu oldu\u011funu anlamada, gene \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn merkezi olan Almanya\u2019ya d\u00f6nmek verimli olur. \u00dcnl\u00fc sosyalist d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr Rosa Luxemburg\u2019un Friedrich List hakk\u0131ndaki s\u00f6zlerinin \u00f6nemli ipucu sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyorum. Luxemburg, Alman entelekt\u00fcel ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131n niteliklerini sergilerken, Friedrich List\u2019in Milli \u0130ktisat teorisini \u201ctrivial\u201d, baya\u011f\u0131, olarak damgal\u0131yor; Fichte ile List \u00f6rne\u011finde Cermen \u201chalk\u0131 ve prenslerinin\u201d imgelemini ele ge\u00e7irmi\u015f olan t\u00fcm bu milli hareketi, yaln\u0131zca ve yaln\u0131zca Napolyon taraf\u0131ndan Alman topraklar\u0131na ta\u015f\u0131nan devrim tohumlar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 bir gericilik olarak nitelendiriyordu.<\/p>\n

Napolyon taraf\u0131ndan ta\u015f\u0131nan tohumlar, s\u00f6ylemeye gerek yok, Frans\u0131z Devrimi\u2019ne aittir; Frans\u0131z Devrimi ise 1789\u2019dan \u00f6nce, Victor Hugo\u2019nun roman\u0131n\u0131n ad\u0131nda oldu\u011fu gibi, 1793 y\u0131l\u0131d\u0131r: Devrimin k\u00f6ktenci kanad\u0131 Jakobenler; yoksullar, bald\u0131r\u0131\u00e7\u0131plaklar, donsuzlar ad\u0131na iktidar\u0131 al\u0131yor, kral\u0131 idam ile bir devrimci diktat\u00f6rl\u00fck uyguluyordu. A\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7as\u0131, kral idam\u0131na al\u0131\u015f\u0131k Avrupal\u0131lar, giyotinden \u00e7ok, \u201cyoksullar\u0131n iktidar\u0131\u201d k\u0131sm\u0131yla \u015fok ya\u015famaktayd\u0131.<\/p>\n

Bundan sonra, Kant\u2019\u0131n \u201cAyd\u0131nlanma Nedir?\u201d metninde en a\u00e7\u0131k \u00f6rne\u011fini g\u00f6rebilece\u011fimiz \u00fczere, Frans\u0131z Devrimi\u2019yle \u00e7\u0131kan h\u00fcrriyet idealleri benimsenerek ak\u0131lc\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131l\u0131yor, ama halk\u0131n devrimci eyleminin kendisi ak\u0131l d\u0131\u015f\u0131na itiliyordu. Klasik Alman Felsefesi\u2019ni ku\u015fatan ciddi bir gerilimdir. Hegel\u2019in Kant ve Frans\u0131z devrimci d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi \u00fczerine yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, \u201cFrans\u0131zlar i\u00e7in \u2018tepesi \u00e7abuk atar\u2019 derler (\u2026) Fikri, hemen ve do\u011frudan eyleme ge\u00e7irirler. (\u2026) Halk\u0131n elinde, h\u00fcrriyet fanatizminin sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 korkun\u00e7 olmu\u015ftur. Biz Almanlar\u0131n zihnini de bir s\u00fcr\u00fc huzursuzluk i\u015fgal eder, ama Alman kafas\u0131 \u015fapkas\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ne koyup s\u00fck\u00fbnetle d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmeyi tercih eder.\u201d \u0130\u015fte Alman \u00f6zg\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc: devrim yapmak yerine d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek! \u00c7ok a\u00e7\u0131k; klasik Alman idealistlerinden, List gibi \u201cbaya\u011f\u0131\u201d iktisat\u00e7\u0131lara dek, her Alman d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn \u201cidesinde\u201d 1848 y\u0131l\u0131nda t\u00fcm Avrupa\u2019yla birlikte ba\u015fkald\u0131ran Alman i\u015f\u00e7ileri, Alman kabul edilemeyecek denli \u201cevrensel\u201d olmal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Devrim ve s\u0131n\u0131f, 1848 y\u0131l\u0131ndan sonra, neredeyse e\u015f anlaml\u0131d\u0131r. Sanki Kapital<\/em>\u2019de numune olarak \u0130ngiltere\u2019yi alan Marx, di\u011fer \u00fclkelerin i\u015f\u00e7ilerine \u201canlat\u0131lan senin hik\u00e2yendir,\u201d dedik\u00e7e, di\u011fer \u00fclkelerin egemen d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi, burjuva d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi de denebilir, \u201cmillet\u00e7e m\u00fcstesnay\u0131z\u201d yollu hayk\u0131r\u0131yordu. En a\u00e7\u0131k ifadesi, iki b\u00fcy\u00fck sava\u015f aras\u0131 \u0130talya\u2019dan ba\u015flayarak fa\u015fist ve muhafazak\u00e2r Avrupa boyunca yay\u0131lan korporatist toplum modelinin, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki yans\u0131mas\u0131yla \u201cs\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131z, imtiyazs\u0131z, kayna\u015fm\u0131\u015f millet\u201d slogan\u0131ndad\u0131r. \u00d6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn \u201cbug\u00fcn\u201d tasar\u0131m\u0131 t\u00fcm toplumu s\u0131n\u0131ftan ve s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131ndan ar\u0131nd\u0131rarak, devlet\u00e7i kalk\u0131nma seferberli\u011fine sokmay\u0131 hedefliyordu.<\/p>\n

Liberal \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fck de bundan ba\u011f\u0131\u015f\u0131k olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan Amerikan exceptionalisminde de fa\u015fist s\u00f6ylemle tam\u0131 tam\u0131na ayn\u0131 vurguyu bulmak zor de\u011fildir. Exceptionalismin militarist perspektiften \u00e7\u0131k\u0131p liberalleri de kapsad\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00f6nemin tam da Progressive Era, \u0130lerleme \u00c7a\u011f\u0131 olmas\u0131n\u0131 rastlant\u0131 sayamay\u0131z: 1865\u2019te Amerikan \u0130\u00e7 Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019n\u0131, 1875\u2019te de ilk k\u00fcresel ekonomik bunal\u0131m\u0131 atlatm\u0131\u015f olan Amerikan toplumunun, 1880\u2019lerden 1920\u2019lere dek, m\u00fcthi\u015f bir de\u011fi\u015fim h\u0131z\u0131 yakalamak \u00fczere yeniden \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesini ifade etmektedir. En ba\u015fta ekonomiden siyasal rejime, k\u00fclt\u00fcrden \u00fcniversitelere dek bir dizi alanda \u201creform\u201d hareketi olarak kar\u015f\u0131m\u0131za \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yordu. Ku\u015fkusuz, esas itibariyle, krizin b\u0131rakt\u0131\u011f\u0131 enkaz\u0131 ya\u011fma ederek h\u0131zla b\u00fcy\u00fcmeyi \u00f6ne koyan bir b\u00fcy\u00fck sermaye seferberli\u011fidir. Modern Amerika\u2019n\u0131n do\u011fu\u015funda son derece kritik olan bu d\u00f6nemde sermaye birikim h\u0131z\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6stermek a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan, en b\u00fcy\u00fck ve \u00fcnl\u00fc Amerikan tekellerinin bu zaman dilimi i\u00e7erisinde kuruldu\u011funu belirtmek yeterli olmal\u0131d\u0131r; bir \u015firketin uluslararas\u0131 tekele d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesi i\u00e7in 15 y\u0131l yetiyordu. Bu reform d\u00f6neminde, 1 May\u0131s 1886 tarihinde Haymarket\u2019le ba\u015flayan, b\u00fcy\u00fck i\u015f\u00e7i olaylar\u0131 ve katliamlar\u0131 eksik olmuyordu.<\/p>\n

\u0130\u015f\u00e7i eylemleriyle birlikte \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fc ideolojinin de patlama noktas\u0131d\u0131r: Bir toplumsal ahenk d\u00fczeninin yollar\u0131n\u0131 arayan ve \u201ci\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131\u201d uzmanla\u015fmaya dayal\u0131 toplumsal \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmenin \u00f6\u011felerinden birine indirgeyen Croly\u2019yi ge\u00e7iyorum. Daha \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 buldu\u011fum bir ba\u015fka \u00f6rnek gene Amerika\u2019da \u201cprogressive\u201d \u00e7a\u011f sosyal bilimlerinin \u00f6nemli ad\u0131, Amerikan Sosyoloji Birli\u011fi\u2019nin ba\u015fkan\u0131 Charles Horton Cooley\u2019dir. Cooley, Social Organization<\/em> ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 devasa kitab\u0131nda, Tocqueville\u2019i temel alarak, Amerika\u2019n\u0131n kendine \u201chas\u201d demokrasi kurumlar\u0131n\u0131 koruyaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131, bu kurumlar\u0131n Avrupa\u2019ya kar\u015f\u0131 Amerikan ger\u00e7ekli\u011fini temsil etti\u011fini belirtiyordu. Bir disiplin olarak Amerikan sosyolojisinin kurulu\u015f ad\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 atarken \u00f6rne\u011fin, Amerika\u2019n\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcn toplumsal kurumlar\u0131n\u0131 inceleyip, Amerika\u2019da \u201cs\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n\u201d olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc netlikle dile getirebiliyordu. T\u00fcm bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm \u201corganik\u201d toplum teorilerinin anlat\u0131lmas\u0131na ayr\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Kitab\u0131n yay\u0131m tarihi 1909\u2019dur ve ayn\u0131 tarihte ABD\u2019yi sallayan kitlesel i\u015f\u00e7i grevlerinin ortas\u0131nda, Amerika\u2019da s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n \u201cmiras al\u0131nm\u0131\u015f\u201d olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, yaln\u0131zca \u201cortak bir topluluk\u201d i\u00e7inde uzmanla\u015fmay\u0131 ifade etti\u011fini yazmaktad\u0131r. Yatay ve dikey toplumsal hareketlili\u011fin en g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc oldu\u011fu Amerika\u2019da, bir insan\u0131n pek \u00e7ok s\u0131n\u0131f \u00fcyesi olabildi\u011fini savunarak, sonu\u00e7ta, ABD\u2019de \u201cs\u0131n\u0131f sava\u015f\u0131\u201d olamayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131, yaln\u0131zca \u201cwholesome\u201d yararl\u0131, geli\u015ftirici m\u00fccadelenin var olabilece\u011fini vurgulamaktad\u0131r (1). Alt ba\u015fl\u0131kta belirtildi\u011fi gibi \u201ca larger mind\u201d incelemesidir; Amerikal\u0131lara \u201cb\u00fcy\u00fck d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmelerini\u201d \u00f6\u011f\u00fctl\u00fcyordu.<\/p>\n

\u00d6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesini bilgi d\u00fczeyinden ve giderek de siyasetten silme, olmazsa \u00f6rtbas etme \u00f6zelli\u011fi, o y\u0131llarda sosyalist ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele verme gere\u011fini duyumsam\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131yla da do\u011frulanmaktad\u0131r. Adanm\u0131\u015f bir Amerikan sosyalisti olan Irving Howe, o d\u00f6nem Amerikan exceptionalisminin a\u011f\u0131r hakimiyetinden duydu\u011fu kayg\u0131yla s\u00f6z konusu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn \u201cAmerika\u2019da Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 tarihsel y\u00fcklerin bulunmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 fikrine ba\u011fnazca kap\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, bir efsane ve ideolojik bir bi\u00e7im ald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131\u201d dile getiriyordu (2). Rosa Luxemburg\u2019un Alman k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc ele\u015ftirisinden sonra, Howe da entelekt\u00fcel planda s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin yitmesinden rahats\u0131zd\u0131.<\/p>\n

\u00d6yleyse, en az\u0131ndan 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l ortalar\u0131ndan iki d\u00fcnya sava\u015f\u0131 sonuna dek t\u00fcm d\u00fcnyada yay\u0131lan \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fcklerin\u201d a) tarihsel maddecili\u011fin, \u00fcretim tarz\u0131na dayal\u0131 ve antagonistik s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 teorisinin reddi b) bu retle ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131 olarak, s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n bir kavram olarak g\u00fcncel toplum bile\u015fenleri aras\u0131ndan ya t\u00fcm\u00fcyle at\u0131lmas\u0131 ya da \u201c\u00e7at\u0131\u015fmadan\u201d ar\u0131nd\u0131r\u0131larak, stat\u00fc\u2019ye denk bir toplumsal gruba indirgenmesi -Marksizm yerine Weberyen bir s\u0131n\u0131f tan\u0131m\u0131- c) g\u00fcncelde de s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n ve i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ya hi\u00e7 olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ya da iktidar talep edemeyecek denli g\u00fcd\u00fck oldu\u011fu b\u00f6yle bir toplumun, destekleyici bir ge\u00e7mi\u015f ve gelecek kurgusu do\u011frultusunda b\u00fcy\u00fck ekonomik seferberliklere eklenmesi \u00fczerine kurulu oldu\u011funu \u00e7\u0131karabiliyoruz (3).<\/p>\n

B\u00fcrokratik vesayet teorisi: \u201cBurjuvazinin sakland\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6lge\u201d
\n<\/strong>Buraya kadar, 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l sonlar\u0131ndan So\u011fuk Sava\u015f \u00f6ncesi d\u00f6neme dek \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn seyrini ele alarak baz\u0131 genellemeler yapmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131k. Bununla birlikte, So\u011fuk Sava\u015f sonras\u0131nda, liberalizmin sosyalizmle birlikte \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n muzaffer ideolojileri aras\u0131nda yerini almas\u0131ndan sonraki geli\u015fmeler, \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn yukar\u0131da s\u0131ralad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z \u00f6zsel niteliklerinin anla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u00f6zel \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131yor.<\/p>\n

Fa\u015fizm \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019ndan sonra tarihe mi g\u00f6m\u00fcld\u00fc, yoksa \u201ckullan\u0131\u015fl\u0131\u201d y\u00f6nleri kapitalist sisteme mi yedirildi? Avrupa ele\u015ftirel d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinde tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lan \u00f6nemli temalardan biri budur. Burada kesin olan, Almanya\u2019da fa\u015fizmin yenilgisinden sonra, en az\u0131ndan sonderweg ideolojisinin liberal ideologlar taraf\u0131ndan \u00e7\u00f6pe at\u0131lmak bir yana, sosyal bilimlerde yeni bi\u00e7imlerde s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcd\u00fcr. So\u011fuk Sava\u015f sonras\u0131 yap\u0131lanma i\u00e7inde, Almanya\u2019da fa\u015fizm deneyimine yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclen t\u00fcm \u00f6\u011feleri toplum d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinde mahk\u00fbm edilirken, Almanya\u2019n\u0131n \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc\u201d fikrine dokunulmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 izliyorduk.<\/p>\n

\"\"
Fa\u015fizm \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019ndan sonra tarihe mi g\u00f6m\u00fcld\u00fc, yoksa \u201ckullan\u0131\u015fl\u0131\u201d y\u00f6nleri kapitalist sisteme mi yedirildi?<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Burada, \u00f6zellikle Geoff Eley ile David Blackbourn\u2019\u00fcn Alman tarihinin \u00f6zg\u00fcnl\u00fcklerini ele alan The Peculiarities of German History <\/em>kitab\u0131ndan s\u00f6z etmenin yeridir (4). S\u00f6z konusu kitab\u0131n \u0130ngilizce bask\u0131s\u0131 1984 tarihli olup, Alman tarih\u00e7ili\u011fine \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli bir m\u00fcdahalede bulundu\u011funu biliyoruz. Eley ile Blackbourn, \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n sonuna kadar Alman devletinin m\u00fcstesna y\u00fcceli\u011fini me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131rmak i\u00e7in kullan\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olan sonderweg ideolojisinin, So\u011fuk Sava\u015f\u2019tan sonra, bu kez liberallerce devral\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131na dikkat \u00e7ekiyor; bu kez, ayn\u0131 ideolojinin \u201cthe failed bourgeois revolution\u201d, ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131z burjuva devriminin nedenlerini, Almanya\u2019n\u0131n Bat\u0131 tarz\u0131 bir liberal demokrasiye ula\u015famam\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131n\u0131n nedenlerini a\u00e7\u0131klamakta kullan\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirtiyordu.<\/p>\n

Alman liberalleri, ge\u00e7mi\u015fleriyle hesapla\u015fmalar\u0131na \u201cAlmanya neden \u0130ngiltere olmad\u0131?\u201d sorusuyla ba\u015fl\u0131yorlard\u0131. \u00d6nde gelen liberaller ve kitab\u0131n yazarlar\u0131na g\u00f6re Alman akademisi ya da toplumunda en \u00e7ok ilgi g\u00f6ren yan\u0131t, Prusya ordusunun ve Alman zihniyetinin oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201chabis\u201d rolde yat\u0131yordu. Almanya\u2019n\u0131n g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc arkaik ve kal\u0131c\u0131 devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131, ekonomik geli\u015fmeye toplumsal ve siyasal geli\u015fmenin e\u015flik etmesini engellemi\u015fti. Burjuvazi, bir devrime gerek duymam\u0131\u015ft\u0131, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc istediklerini \u201cdevlet arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla\u201d ve \u201cyukar\u0131dan\u201d sa\u011flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. \u00d6zg\u00fcveninin ve enerjisinin geli\u015fmesi, her zaman h\u00e2lihaz\u0131rda var olan devlet mekanizmas\u0131n\u0131n iktidar ve sayg\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla k\u00f6steklenmi\u015fti. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, kendi de\u011ferlerini dayatmak yerine, eski elitle\u00a0 -askerler, Junkerler ve b\u00fcrokratlarla- uzla\u015fmay\u0131 se\u00e7mi\u015f, bu da liberal demokrasi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan b\u00fcy\u00fck bir y\u0131k\u0131mla sonu\u00e7lanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Burjuvazi, bu anakronik tabakalar\u0131n vesayetinden ancak Nazi \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu\u2019nun kesin yenilgisiyle kurtulmu\u015ftu (5). Tarihi hesapla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 bitiren Almanya, sonderweg ge\u00e7mi\u015fini ele\u015ftirerek ABD\u2019nin bir uzant\u0131s\u0131 olarak exceptionalist \u00f6zellikleri benimsemeye haz\u0131rd\u0131.<\/p>\n

Sonderweg\u2019in bu liberal \u00e7e\u015fitlemesinde, art\u0131k ge\u00e7mi\u015f, Amerika\u2019daki exceptionalismle \u00f6rt\u00fc\u015fen bi\u00e7imde s\u0131f\u0131rlan\u0131yordu. Bu bak\u0131mdan 1945, tam da yazarlar\u0131n belirtti\u011fi gibi bir stunde null<\/strong>, s\u0131f\u0131r noktas\u0131 kabul ediliyor; Burjuva devrimi kavram\u0131 idealize edilip Bat\u0131 ve parlamenter burjuvazi birer \u201cnorm\u201d olarak yeniden kodlan\u0131yordu. Ama Alman tarihinin \u00f6zg\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, Sonderweg, taht\u0131ndan indirilmiyor, bir me\u015fruti monar\u015fi kral\u0131 gibi, rol\u00fc \u00f6n\u00fcne getirilen \u201cbug\u00fcn\u00fc\u201d onaylamaktan ibaret bir ideolojik fig\u00fcr olarak varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcyordu. K\u0131sacas\u0131, Alman sosyal bilimlerine, fa\u015fizmin y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131ndan sonra da \u201cs\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi\u201d girememi\u015fti. Bir s\u0131n\u0131f vard\u0131ysa da, bu yaln\u0131zca geli\u015fmesi devasa devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131nca k\u00f6steklendi\u011fi i\u00e7in uzla\u015fmak zorunda kalan, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla 1945\u2019e kadarki geli\u015fmelerden sorumlu tutulamayacak, vesayet alt\u0131ndaki burjuvaziydi ve haydutlar\u0131n elinden hen\u00fcz kurtar\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir rehine titizli\u011fiyle muamele g\u00f6rmeliydi.<\/p>\n

Eley ile Blackbourn\u2019\u00fcn s\u00f6z konusu kitab\u0131, Alman burjuvazisini, aklama aray\u0131\u015f\u0131 i\u00e7inde -kendi ifadeleriyle, \u201capolojist\u201d- olan bu liberal sonderweg anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 net bir ele\u015ftiridir. Bu aklay\u0131c\u0131 teorilere kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k, Alman burjuvazisinin asl\u0131nda 19. y\u00fczy\u0131lla ba\u015flayan t\u00fcm bir d\u00f6nem boyunca, gerek k\u00fclt\u00fcrde gerek siyasette bir \u201csessiz devrimle\u201d egemenli\u011fini peki\u015ftirdi\u011fini ileri s\u00fcr\u00fcyordu. \u00c7\u00f6z\u00fcmlemelerinde tarihsel maddeci ya da Marksist olmalar\u0131 gerekmiyor; Eley ile Blackbourn, William Carr\u2019\u0131n da belirtti\u011fi gibi, her \u015feye ra\u011fmen burjuvaziyi 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l boyunca sakland\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6lgeden \u00e7\u0131karmay\u0131 ba\u015far\u0131yordu.<\/p>\n

\"\"
Amerika Birle\u015fik Devletleri\u2019nde \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fck, kendini s\u0131f\u0131rdan yaratm\u0131\u015f kapitalist bireylerin itkisiyle do\u011facak sonsuz bir potansiyele i\u015faret etmekteydi.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Yeni resmi tarihe do\u011fru: T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de liberal \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fck
\n<\/strong>Alman liberallerinin sonderweg arg\u00fcmanlar\u0131n\u0131n T\u00fcrkiye i\u00e7in olduk\u00e7a tan\u0131d\u0131k oldu\u011fu a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r. Demokrasi ile devlet\u00e7ilik aras\u0131ndaki mesafeyi \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131karan ve tarihsel maddeci anlamda \u201cs\u0131n\u0131f\u201d \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 bilgi d\u00fczleminden kovan bir \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fck aray\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131, T\u00fcrkiye sosyal bilimlerinin do\u011fu\u015funda g\u00f6rmek i\u00e7in \u00f6zel bir \u00e7aba gerekece\u011fini sanm\u0131yorum. Bununla birlikte, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki uzant\u0131lar\u0131 hemen te\u015fhis edilebilecek bir tart\u0131\u015fman\u0131n, hen\u00fcz t\u00fcm boyutlar\u0131yla ta\u015f\u0131nmam\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fcd\u00fcr.<\/p>\n

\u00d6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc do\u011frudan konu alan ender \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalardan, Prof. Dr. Suavi Ayd\u0131n\u2019\u0131n 1998 y\u0131l\u0131nda yay\u0131mlanan makalesi, T\u00fcrkiye solu ile milliyet\u00e7i e\u011filimlerin kesi\u015fme noktalar\u0131 \u00fczerine olup \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fck\u201d meselesinin hen\u00fcz ve h\u00e2l\u00e2 salt \u201cdevlet\u00e7i\u201d ve \u201cmilliyet\u00e7i\u201d ideolojilerle ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131 olarak d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne i\u015farettir (6). Yaln\u0131zca solu hedeflemesi nedeniyle son derece dar kalm\u0131\u015f bir ilk ad\u0131m olarak \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131maktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fck tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rmezden gelmenin ve yaln\u0131zca \u201cmilliyet\u00e7ilikle\u201d s\u0131n\u0131rlaman\u0131n son derece g\u00fcncel gerek\u00e7eleri oldu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyorum. Sosyal bilimciler, i\u00e7inden ge\u00e7ti\u011fimiz siyasal bunal\u0131m d\u00f6neminde, Kemalist tarih g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcn, yerini liberal bir tarih sentezine terk etti\u011fini g\u00f6r\u00fcyor ya da duyumsuyorlar. Kemalist tarih g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fc en az\u0131ndan teorik \u00fcretkenli\u011fini t\u00fcmden yitirmi\u015fken, b\u00fcy\u00fck tekellerin \u00f6zel \u00fcniversitelerinde istihdam edilen, bas\u0131nda, pop\u00fcler dergilerde k\u00f6\u015fe ba\u015flar\u0131n\u0131 tutan yeni bir sosyal bilimci ve tarih\u00e7i ku\u015fa\u011f\u0131, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de demokrasinin neden sakat geli\u015fti\u011fine ya da Bat\u0131 normlar\u0131ndan uzak kald\u0131\u011f\u0131na ili\u015fkin bir arg\u00fcman y\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131yla kamu kanaatini belirlemeye \u00e7abal\u0131yor.<\/p>\n

Devam etmeden y\u00f6nteme ili\u015fkin bir parantez a\u00e7mak isterim. Bundan sonraki k\u0131s\u0131mda, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn (neo)liberal \u00e7e\u015fitlemesini sunmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015faca\u011f\u0131m. Ku\u015fkusuz b\u00f6yle bir tasla\u011f\u0131 \u00e7izmekte belli zorluklar bulunuyor. Birincisi, liberali te\u015fhisin, daha a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7as\u0131, muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131k ile liberallik aras\u0131ndaki ayr\u0131m\u0131n, \u201cneoliberal\u201d d\u00f6nemde silikle\u015fmesidir. Bununla birlikte, asl\u0131nda ayr\u0131m\u0131n, \u00f6nceki d\u00f6nemlerden daha mu\u011fl\u00e2k oldu\u011funu sanm\u0131yorum. En az\u0131ndan eskiden de s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 s\u00f6z konusu oldu\u011funda, konu k\u00fclt\u00fcr ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce d\u00fcnyas\u0131 olsa bile, bir liberal ile muhafazak\u00e2r aras\u0131ndaki farklar silikle\u015fiyordu. Neoliberal d\u00f6nemi, bu ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc ittifak\u0131n kal\u0131c\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131 olarak g\u00f6rebiliriz. \u0130kincisi, neoliberal d\u00f6nemde \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fck tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n hen\u00fcz yeterince geli\u015fmedi\u011fi ko\u015fullarda, \u00f6nceki \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fcklerde oldu\u011fu gibi ayr\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 ge\u00e7mi\u015f ve gelecek kurgular\u0131n\u0131 aktarmayaca\u011f\u0131m. T\u00fcm bu kurgular\u0131n, g\u00fcncel siyasal konumdan hareketle kuruldu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnenlerdenim ve ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 olarak, tarihsel kurgularla g\u00fcncel siyasal \u00f6nerilerin \u00f6rt\u00fc\u015fme noktalar\u0131na de\u011finmekle yetinece\u011fim. \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc ve son olarak; T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de liberal \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, kapa\u011f\u0131nda \u201csosyalist\u201d ibaresi bulunan Birikim<\/em> dergisine, bunun da \u00f6nde gelen yazarlar\u0131na odaklanarak irdelemeyi se\u00e7tim. Bunun, \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fck tarihine bakarak son derece me\u015fru ve \u00f6\u011fretici oldu\u011fu s\u00f6ylenebilir. Ne de olsa, tarihte de \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn teorize etti\u011fi toplumsal seferberliklerin soldan me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131na gereksinme oluyor, bunlar\u0131n mutlaka sol \u00e7e\u015fitlemeleri ve g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcmleri bulunuyordu. Almanya\u2019da devlet\u00e7i ya da liberal d\u00f6nemde sosyal demokrasinin bir k\u0131sm\u0131 ile ABD\u2019de progressivist sol, bu seferberliklerde \u201cradikal\u201d ya da \u201cMarksist\u201d yorumlardan koparak yeni kurulan \u201cmerkeze\u201d dahil ediliyorlard\u0131; bu siyasetlerinde denk bir ideolojik d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm ge\u00e7irmeleri de anla\u015f\u0131labilir.<\/p>\n

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Amerikan sosyolojisinin kurulu\u015f ad\u0131mlar\u0131 at\u0131l\u0131rken, Amerika\u2019n\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcn toplumsal kurumlar\u0131 incelenip, Amerika\u2019da \u201cs\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n\u201d olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fc dile getirebiliyordu.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Devamla; Kemalist tarih g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc ana hatlar\u0131yla betimlemede, liberal tarih\u00e7ilerin referanslar\u0131n\u0131 da izleyip Kadro<\/em> dergisini numune olarak alacak olursak i\u015fimiz kolayla\u015f\u0131yor. Kadro <\/em>dergisinin \u00f6nemli adlar\u0131ndan \u015eevket S\u00fcreyya\u2019n\u0131n Kadro ve \u0130nk\u0131lap<\/em> adl\u0131 \u00fcnl\u00fc \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131na, \u201cs\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131z, imtiyazs\u0131z, kayna\u015fm\u0131\u015f bir millet\u201d \u00fclk\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fcn s\u00f6zc\u00fcs\u00fc olmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirterek ba\u015flamas\u0131 yeterince a\u00e7\u0131klay\u0131c\u0131 olmal\u0131d\u0131r. Bu vurgular\u0131, geli\u015fmi\u015f \u201cmetropol\u201d \u00fclkelerini temel alan tarihsel maddecilikle hesapla\u015fman\u0131n izlemesi, \u201cmilli kurtulu\u015f hareketleri\u201d ile \u201cs\u0131n\u0131f kavgas\u0131n\u0131\u201d \u00f6ne koyan Marksizm aras\u0131nda \u00f6nemli teorik farklar bulundu\u011funu, \u201cmilli sermayenin v\u00fccut bulmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 yar\u0131 feodal bir Asya nizam\u0131 alt\u0131nda idare edilenlerin, iktisaden esir olduklar\u0131 memlekette ise bat\u0131 manas\u0131yla S\u0131n\u0131flardan ve Sermaye hareketlerinden\u201d (7) s\u00f6z edilemeyece\u011fini ileri s\u00fcrmesi gene tipik \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fc varsay\u0131mlar olarak \u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fcze \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor.<\/p>\n

T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de s\u0131n\u0131flar yeterince geli\u015fmedi\u011finden, Bat\u0131 tipi bir liberal demokratik sistemle \u00fclkeyi y\u00f6netmenin m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131, bu nedenle s\u0131n\u0131flardan azade bir b\u00fcrokrat kesimin, yani Kemalistlerin \u00f6nderli\u011finde, devlet\u00e7i siyasayla bir \u201cmillet\u201d olarak kalk\u0131nmak gerekti\u011fi, Kemalist \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn ba\u015fat \u00f6\u011feleri oluyordu. Kemalist kadronun egemenli\u011fi, s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n geli\u015fmemi\u015f olmas\u0131yla me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131r\u0131l\u0131yordu.<\/p>\n

Peki, liberal tarih\u00e7ilik ve sosyoloji, T\u00fcrkiye \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlemesinde yer yer \u201cfa\u015fizm\u201d olarak damgalayacak denli ileri gittikleri Kemalizm\u2019den ne \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde ayr\u0131lmaktad\u0131r? Ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 olarak \u015fu s\u00f6ylenebilir: \u0130kisinde de Cumhuriyet kadrolar\u0131, s\u0131n\u0131flardan, Bat\u0131 tipi s\u0131n\u0131flardan ba\u011f\u0131\u015f\u0131kt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Eski Marksist ve \u015fimdi liberal tarih\u00e7ilerin \u00f6nde gelenlerinden, Sabanc\u0131 \u00dcniversitesi tarih\u00e7isi Halil Berktay, bir gazete yaz\u0131s\u0131nda, Yalta Konferans\u0131\u2019nda T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin \u201csosyalist blok\u201da da \u201ch\u00fcr d\u00fcnya\u201dya da al\u0131nmam\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131n\u0131, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin \u201c\u00f6rne\u011fi ba\u015fka hi\u00e7bir yerde kalmam\u0131\u015f, egzotik veya grotesk toplumsal olaylar\u0131 inceleme laboratuar\u0131 olarak\u201d b\u0131rakmak istemelerine ba\u011fl\u0131yordu. Daha ilgin\u00e7 bi\u00e7imde, eskiden, \u201ctarihin evrensel yasalar\u0131na inand\u0131\u011f\u0131\u201d zamanlarda T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin \u00f6zg\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne ili\u015fkin bu \u00f6yk\u00fcy\u00fc anlatan babas\u0131na dudak b\u00fckt\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc, \u015fimdi ise bunu daha \u00e7ok d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmeye ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ifade ediyordu. Bir ufak anekdotta, Marksizm\u2019den liberalizme kayd\u0131k\u00e7a T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin \u00f6zg\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne daha fazla inanmaya ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 dile getirmesi, liberallerin devlet\u00e7i ge\u00e7mi\u015fle payla\u015ft\u0131klar\u0131 \u00f6nemli zemini \u00f6zl\u00fc bi\u00e7imde betimlemektedir. Liberal d\u00fcnya g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcne ge\u00e7i\u015fle, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin kuraldan sapm\u0131\u015f \u00f6zelliklerini ke\u015fif kol kola ilerliyor.<\/p>\n

Bug\u00fcn b\u00fcy\u00fck yayg\u0131nl\u0131kla i\u015flenen liberal \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn bir ge\u00e7mi\u015fi var: Belki de ilk \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 temsilcisi, \u0130dris K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck\u00f6mer\u2019dir. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de solun hem yayg\u0131n toplumsal destek kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131, hem iktidar m\u00fccadelesinde \u00f6nemli a\u015famalar kaydetti\u011fi bir d\u00f6nemde, 1969 y\u0131l\u0131nda K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck\u00f6mer, solun b\u00fct\u00fcn hatt\u0131n\u0131 sorunsalla\u015ft\u0131ran tezler ortaya at\u0131yordu; tezler, T\u00fcrkiye sol hareketini muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131kla ba\u011fda\u015ft\u0131rmada son derece \u00e7ekincesiz olmalar\u0131 bak\u0131m\u0131ndan \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131yd\u0131.<\/p>\n

K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck\u00f6mer, Osmanl\u0131\u2019n\u0131n, \u00f6zg\u00fcn yap\u0131s\u0131 nedeniyle kapitalizmin evrimine izin vermedi\u011fini, kapitalizmin Osmanl\u0131\u2019daki \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131, Tanzimat\u2019tan itibaren y\u00f6netimi ele ge\u00e7iren arac\u0131 Bat\u0131c\u0131 b\u00fcrokratik eliyle sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ileri s\u00fcr\u00fcyordu. Cumhuriyet\u2019te ise temel e\u011filim s\u00fcrmekle birlikte, devlet bir ilkel birikim, zorla sermaye aktarma yoluyla belli bir burjuvazinin geli\u015fmesini sa\u011flam\u0131\u015f, Cumhuriyet b\u00fcrokrasisi \u201cpolitik i\u00e7 ve d\u0131\u015f ili\u015fkilerini yerli \u00f6zel sermaye ve b\u00fcy\u00fck toprak sahibi \u00e7evrelerinin arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131\u201d ile kurmu\u015ftu. Demokrat Parti ve Adalet Partisi\u2019nde g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz sa\u011f, \u0130slamc\u0131-Do\u011fucu potansiyel, bu ittifak\u0131n \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcyd\u00fc, ama ayn\u0131 zamanda solun ger\u00e7ekten ittifak etmesi -hatta \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015fmesi- gereken \u201chalk\u0131\u201d temsil ediyordu (8). T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de as\u0131l sol gelenek, Prens Sabahattin\u2019den H\u00fcrriyet ve \u0130tilaf F\u0131rkas\u0131\u2019na, Demokrat Parti\u2019den Adalet Partisi\u2019ne uzanan \u201cdo\u011fucu-\u0130slamc\u0131\u201d ak\u0131md\u0131. Sol, asl\u0131nda \u201csa\u011f\u201d olmal\u0131yd\u0131.<\/p>\n

B\u00fcy\u00fck bir skolastik oldu\u011funa ku\u015fku yok. \u00c7ok k\u0131sa bir s\u00fcre sonra, 15-16 Haziran Olaylar\u0131\u2019nda i\u015f\u00e7i kitlelerinin b\u00fcy\u00fck bir g\u00f6vde g\u00f6sterisiyle, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin en b\u00fcy\u00fck iki kentine fiilen el koymas\u0131 ya da 70\u2019li y\u0131llarda i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n nicel ve siyasal olarak g\u00fc\u00e7lenmesi K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck\u00f6mer\u2019in tezlerini ve 60\u2019l\u0131 y\u0131llarda Asya Tipi \u00dcretim Tarz\u0131 (AT\u00dcT) gibi iktisat tarihi tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131ndaki \u201cs\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131zl\u0131k\u201d ve \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fck\u201d aray\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 baltalamad\u0131. Ne de olsa, tart\u0131\u015fma b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde \u201cge\u00e7mi\u015fte\u201d kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n

Peki, \u0130dris K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck\u00f6mer\u2019in yeniden kurdu\u011fu bu \u00f6zg\u00fcn ge\u00e7mi\u015f, nas\u0131l \u201cbug\u00fcne\u201d ta\u015f\u0131n\u0131yordu, bu tarihin g\u00fcncel siyasal uzant\u0131lar\u0131 neydi? K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck\u00f6mer, bir sosyoloji \u00f6nermekten \u00f6teye gidebildi mi, tart\u0131\u015f\u0131l\u0131r. Ama en az\u0131ndan retorikte bir \u201csol iktidar\u201d tasar\u0131m\u0131yla hareket ediyor, yoksul halk\u0131 ve emperyalizmi \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlemelerinde vekt\u00f6r olarak al\u0131yordu. Bu haliyle, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin teorik ya da g\u00fcncel keskinli\u011fini yumu\u015fatma aray\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki Amerikan progressivist entelekt\u00fcelleri an\u0131msatmaktad\u0131r. Gene de siyasal alanda yaln\u0131z kald\u0131 ve liberal bir sol anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n \u00f6r\u00fclmesini ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftiremedi.<\/p>\n

\u0130drisizm\u2019in g\u00fcncel siyasette ilk uzant\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 i\u00e7in, mevcut sol kadrolar\u0131n k\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve siyasal \u015fiddetin b\u00fcy\u00fck bir entelekt\u00fcel bo\u015fluk meydana getirdi\u011fi 1980 darbesi zorunludur. As\u0131l olarak 1980 sonras\u0131nda, K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck\u00f6mer\u2019le birlikte Yeni G\u00fcndem <\/em>gazetesinde, \u201csolcu\u201d olma iddias\u0131n\u0131 yitirmemi\u015f olsa da pratik sol m\u00fccadeleden kopmu\u015f, genel olarak Birikim <\/em>dergisinden gelen bir yazar ekibi, liberal ideolojiyi i\u015flemeye devam etti: G\u00fcncel hedef, \u015fu ya da bu yolla bir sol iktidar program\u0131 geli\u015ftirmekten \u00e7ok, tarihsel nedenlerle eksik kalm\u0131\u015f demokrasiyi sa\u011flamak oluyordu.<\/p>\n

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Kadro dergisinin \u00f6nemli adlar\u0131ndan \u015eevket S\u00fcreyya Aydemir.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n
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Prens Sabahattin.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

B\u00f6yle bir tarihsel eksikli\u011fin, nas\u0131l bir g\u00fcncel siyasayla doldurulabilece\u011fi, derginin bir kapa\u011f\u0131nda yeterince a\u00e7\u0131k bi\u00e7imde ifade edilmi\u015fti: \u201cPrens Sabahattin\u2019den Turgut \u00d6zal\u2019a.\u201d Derginin a\u00e7\u0131k \u00d6zal savunusu yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6ylemek ger\u00e7ek\u00e7i olmaz; zaten \u201csol\u201d ve \u201cele\u015ftirel\u201d retori\u011fin b\u00f6yle bir a\u00e7\u0131k savunuyu kald\u0131rmas\u0131 beklenemez. Bunun yerine, savunu tarihe ve sosyolojiye b\u0131rak\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r; nitekim bu yaz\u0131da yararland\u0131\u011f\u0131m, Yeni G\u00fcndem <\/em>dergisi \u00fczerine bir y\u00fcksek lisans tezinin yazar\u0131, darbenin hemen ertesi d\u00f6nemde, derginin en b\u00fcy\u00fck a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131 Turgut \u00d6zal ve Demirel gibi siyaset\u00e7ilere vermesine duydu\u011fu \u015fa\u015fk\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131 gizleyememektedir; aktard\u0131\u011f\u0131na g\u00f6re, Ahmet \u0130nsel, dergide liberal sa\u011f \u00e7izginin bu \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde i\u015flenmesinin \u201cdemokrasinin gidi\u015fat\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u00f6nemli\u201d oldu\u011funu ileri s\u00fcr\u00fcyordu (9). Acaba bu \u00e7evre i\u00e7in liberal-sa\u011f tezler ne zaman \u00f6ncelik ta\u015f\u0131mad\u0131? \u00d6zg\u00fcc\u00fc yakla\u015f\u0131mla s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6rtbas edildi\u011fi bir entelekt\u00fcel kurguda, bu \u00f6nceli\u011fin hi\u00e7 eksilmedi\u011fini g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz.<\/p>\n

Bilindi\u011fi \u00fczere, demokrasi sosyal bilimlerde, felsefede, g\u00fcnl\u00fck gazetelerde en \u00e7ok tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lan kavramlardan biridir; modernist ana ak\u0131m yorumlardan, postmodern, postyap\u0131salc\u0131 yakla\u015f\u0131mlara, Marksist-Leninist yorumlara dek pek \u00e7ok a\u00e7\u0131klamas\u0131 bulunuyor. \u00dclkemizdeki liberal yazarlar\u0131n muhafazak\u00e2r-sa\u011f siyasetle ba\u011flar\u0131n\u0131 her zaman gerek\u00e7elendiren bu \u201cdemokrasi\u201d\u00a0 kavram\u0131n\u0131n i\u00e7eri\u011fi ise 1970\u2019li y\u0131llar\u0131n sonlar\u0131nda yay\u0131mlanmaya ba\u015flayan ve belli bir d\u00f6nem radikal sol \u00e7evrelerin de g\u00f6z ucuyla okuduklar\u0131 Birikim<\/em> dergisinde doldurulmu\u015ftur. Demokrasi, s\u00f6z konusu \u00e7evrenin \u00f6nde gelen adlar\u0131ndan, liberal yazar Murat Belge\u2019nin T\u00fcrkiye g\u00fcndemine soktu\u011fu bir kavram olarak \u201csivil toplum\u201dun bir t\u00fcreviydi. Buna g\u00f6re, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin Osmanl\u0131\u2019dan beri gelen kat\u0131 devlet yap\u0131s\u0131, s\u0131n\u0131flar \u00fczerinde uygulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 vesayetle, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de \u201cdevleti s\u0131n\u0131rlayacak\u201d bir sivil toplumun geli\u015fmesini \u00f6nlemi\u015fti ve bundan \u00e7\u0131kacak g\u00fcncel m\u00fccadele, milliyet\u00e7i b\u00fcrokrasiyi gerileterek burjuvazinin \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7acak olan demokrasi m\u00fccadelesiydi. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de sosyolojinin tan\u0131nm\u0131\u015f adlar\u0131ndan Prof. Dr. \u00c7a\u011flar Keyder\u2019in T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de Devlet ve S\u0131n\u0131flar<\/em> \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 da buraya eklemeden ge\u00e7emeyiz; kitap, \u00f6zg\u00fcn tezleri bir yana, omurga olarak \u0130ttihat Terakki ve Cumhuriyet kadrolar\u0131nca ket vurulmu\u015f burjuvazi ve bu nedenle g\u00fcd\u00fck kalm\u0131\u015f sivil toplum savlar\u0131na dayal\u0131 liberal tezleri benimsiyordu (10). \u00c7al\u0131\u015fman\u0131n, geleneksel tarih\u00e7ilikten farkl\u0131 yol arayan sosyal bilimcileri uzun s\u00fcre etkiledi\u011fi s\u00f6ylenebilir.<\/p>\n

Ket vurulmu\u015f bir burjuvazi ve Kemalist vesayet zincirlerinden kurtulabilse, bizim tarihimiz de demokrasi ve sivil toplum istikametindeki \u201cola\u011fan\u201d ve \u201cevrensel\u201d ak\u0131\u015fa uyabilecek, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin Bat\u0131l\u0131la\u015famama ser\u00fcveni kimi liberal sosyolog ve tarih\u00e7ilerin a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a \u00f6vd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ve Birikim <\/em>dergisinin de \u201cdemokrasi imk\u00e2nlar\u0131n\u0131\u201d tan\u0131tt\u0131\u011f\u0131 Avrupa Birli\u011fi tasar\u0131m\u0131nda mutlu sona erecekti. S\u00f6z konusu olan \u00fctopik bir kurgu de\u011fildi ve T\u00fcrkiye burjuvazisinin zincirlerinden kurtulmas\u0131, AKP iktidar\u0131nda ger\u00e7ekle\u015fiyordu.<\/p>\n

Mesih umudu: AKP iktidar\u0131
\n<\/strong>Ger\u00e7ekten de, 2002 y\u0131l\u0131ndaki AKP iktidar\u0131, akademik liberalizmin iki as\u0131rd\u0131r yolunu g\u00f6zledi\u011fi, \u201cdemokrasi teleolojisi\u201dni ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirecek bir mesih s\u0131fat\u0131nda kar\u015f\u0131lan\u0131yordu. Birikim <\/em>\u00e7evresi, bu iktidarda, y\u0131llar boyu savundu\u011fu tarih ak\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n bir nihayetini g\u00f6r\u00fcyordu ve belki de bu nedenle, her zamanki ele\u015ftirel mesafesini ve profesyonelist s\u00f6ylemini korumakla birlikte, a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a bu yeni geli\u015fmenin destek\u00e7isi ve h\u0131zland\u0131r\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 konumunu ald\u0131.<\/p>\n

Ayr\u0131ca, liberal sosyal bilimlerin as\u0131l bask\u0131n ve egemen d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce kanal\u0131 olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131kabilmesini de ayn\u0131 g\u00fcncel d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmlerle do\u011frudan ili\u015fkilendirebiliyoruz; 2002 AKP iktidar\u0131n\u0131n burada pek \u00e7ok bak\u0131mdan e\u011filimleri daha sarih bi\u00e7imde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131na tan\u0131k oluyorduk. Cumhuriyet yap\u0131s\u0131 ve ideolojisini mahk\u00fbm etmenin ge\u00e7er ak\u00e7e oldu\u011fu, a\u00e7\u0131k bas\u0131nda yer yer tarih ve mant\u0131k d\u0131\u015f\u0131 ele\u015ftirilerin bile rahatl\u0131kla kamu kanaatine sunulabildi\u011fi bir d\u00f6nemde bu tarih yaz\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n g\u00fcncel siyasetteki sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 takip etmek ve \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn yeni bi\u00e7imde i\u015fleyi\u015fini anlamak \u00e7ok daha kolayd\u0131r.<\/p>\n

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AKP iktidar\u0131, akademik liberalizmin iki as\u0131rd\u0131r yolunu g\u00f6zledi\u011fi, \u201cdemokrasi teleolojisi\u201dni ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirecek bir mesih s\u0131fat\u0131nda kar\u015f\u0131lan\u0131yordu.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Birikim<\/em> dergisinde, AKP\u2019nin 3 Kas\u0131m 2002 se\u00e7imlerinde iktidara gelmesi, \u201cMuhafazak\u00e2r, Demokrat \u0130nk\u0131lap\u201d olarak niteleniyordu; alt ba\u015fl\u0131k ise g\u00f6zetilen tarihsel s\u00fcreklili\u011fi d\u0131\u015fa vurmaktad\u0131r: \u201c1946-1983 ve sonunda 3 Kas\u0131m\u201d. So\u011fuk Sava\u015f d\u00fczeniyle T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015ftiren Demokrat Parti ve keskin b\u00fcy\u00fck sermaye siyasas\u0131n\u0131n bir uzant\u0131s\u0131 olan 24 Ocak kararlar\u0131n\u0131n uygulay\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 ANAP\u2019\u0131n ard\u0131ndan, net neoliberal \u00e7izgisiyle AKP iktidar\u0131, bir ink\u0131lab\u0131n u\u011fraklar\u0131 ilan ediliyordu.<\/p>\n

Bu ink\u0131lab\u0131n akt\u00f6rlerine gelince; Birikim <\/em>dergisinin genel yay\u0131n y\u00f6netmeni \u00d6mer La\u00e7iner, \u201c3 Kas\u0131m, en ba\u015ftan da ifade edildi\u011fi gibi, \u00f6rne\u011fin AKP\u2019nin 15 y\u0131ld\u0131r g\u00f6r\u00fclmemi\u015f y\u00fckseklikteki bir oy oran\u0131yla se\u00e7imi kazanm\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131na indirgenemeyecek bir \u2018devrim\u2019 -bu abart\u0131l\u0131 geliyorsa- yeni bir durumdur\u201d derken, art\u0131k karakteristi\u011fi haline gelmi\u015f fazla \u201cesnek\u201d s\u00f6ylemiyle T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin \u201cotantik\u201d burjuvazisinin y\u00fckseli\u015fine i\u015faret etmekteydi.<\/p>\n

Otantik, as\u0131l ve \u00f6zg\u00fcn anlamlar\u0131n\u0131 bir arada kar\u015f\u0131lar; La\u00e7iner\u2019e g\u00f6re otantik burjuvazi, daha \u00f6nde Erbakanc\u0131l\u0131k \u00e7izgisinde ifade edilen ortodoks \u0130slamc\u0131 hareketten kopan \u201cyeni unsurlardan\u201d olu\u015fuyordu. Bunlar, \u201c end\u00fcstriyel \u00fcretimden pazarlamaya, bankac\u0131l\u0131ktan medyaya kadar ekonominin b\u00fct\u00fcn alanlar\u0131nda modern rakiplerinden kalite ve performans olarak hi\u00e7 de a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 kalmayan i\u015fadamlar\u0131, \u00fcst d\u00fczey uzman, teknisyenlerden, bu konum ve i\u015flevlere aday \u00fcniversite \u00f6\u011frencilerinden olu\u015fan, b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu gen\u00e7 bir orta s\u0131n\u0131f kesimi\u201d (11) olarak, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de eksik kalan \u201cburjuva demokratik\u201d d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn ad\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 at\u0131yordu. Bu yeni otantik ve ayn\u0131 anlama gelmek \u00fczere \u201c\u0130slami\u201d burjuvazi, s\u0131rf ekonomik \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6zetiyor olmas\u0131 nedeniyle, \u201cekonomi d\u0131\u015f\u0131-\u00fcst\u00fc (\u2026) fonksiyonlar\u0131yla h\u00fckmeden pre-modern kal\u0131nt\u0131 iktidar sahiplerini\u201d, bu \u015fifreleri \u00e7\u00f6zecek olursak, Cumhuriyet\u00e7i b\u00fcrokrasiyi \u201cya gerilemeye ya da tabi olmaya zorlayabilece\u011fini\u201d (12) g\u00f6r\u00fcyordu. Ahmet \u0130nsel\u2019e g\u00f6re de \u201cbu muhafazak\u00e2r modernle\u015fmeci… yeni orta s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n en bu\u0308yu\u0308k \u00f6zelli\u011fi, geleneksel cumhuriyet elitlerinin hegemonyas\u0131na tabi olmamas\u0131\u201d idi. Ba\u015fka deyi\u015fle, AKP iktidar\u0131 sanki Amerikan liberal \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnce \u00fcretilmi\u015f bir \u201cself-made man\u201d tipolojisinin kendili\u011finden zaferini temsil ediyordu (13). S\u0131rf ekonomik \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131n verdi\u011fi h\u0131rsla, ekonomik \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirme yolunda ilerledik\u00e7e, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi otoriter rejimden \u201cliberal demokrasiye\u201d ta\u015f\u0131yacak siyasal ad\u0131mlar\u0131 atacakt\u0131.<\/p>\n

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Yeni geli\u015fen \u201c\u0130slami burjuvazi\u201d kendi ya\u015fam tarz\u0131n\u0131 da yarat\u0131yordu.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

AKP\u2019nin sosyolojik ve tarihsel tarifi bununla s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 kalmamaktad\u0131r ve Ahmet \u0130nsel\u2019in analojileri de burada peki\u015ftiricidir; \u0130nsel\u2019e g\u00f6re kurulu d\u00fczene kar\u015f\u0131 tepkinin ifadesi olan bu yeni burjuvazinin partisi, bir bak\u0131ma ABD\u2019deki Cumhuriyet\u00e7i partiyi an\u0131msat\u0131yordu. \u0130nsel\u2019in, \u201cb\u00fct\u00fcn Bat\u0131 toplumlar\u0131 i\u00e7inde en fazla dindar olanlar Amerikal\u0131lard\u0131r\u201d saptamas\u0131n\u0131, Birikim<\/em> liberalizmiyle Amerikan exceptionalismi aras\u0131nda kurdu\u011fum k\u00f6pr\u00fcn\u00fcn onaylanmas\u0131 olarak al\u0131yorum. Partide \u201cpragmatizm, giri\u015fimcilik, icraat\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k, iktisadi liberalizm\u201d gibi saiklerin bulundu\u011funu, bu \u201cpragmatizmin ho\u015fg\u00f6r\u00fc olarak da tezah\u00fcr etmesini\u201d sa\u011flayabilece\u011fini dile getirmektedir (14). \u0130slami otantik burjuvazi, gene exceptionalismin kahraman protestan ve tarihsiz burjuvazisi gibi, jingoist ya da liberal olma se\u00e7enekleriyle kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131yayd\u0131.<\/p>\n

Bu noktada, kapa\u011f\u0131nda \u201csosyalist\u201d s\u00f6zc\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc ta\u015f\u0131yan bir dergi i\u00e7in ilgin\u00e7 ve \u00f6\u011fretici bir ayr\u0131nt\u0131yla kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131yay\u0131z. Ayn\u0131 kadronun, \u00e7ok k\u0131sa bir s\u00fcre \u00f6nce ilk ad\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 att\u0131klar\u0131 bir sol parti giri\u015fimi vesilesiyle kamu kanaatine sol programda \u201cs\u0131n\u0131f temelli s\u00f6ylemlerin b\u0131rak\u0131lmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fini\u201d va\u2019z etti\u011fi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcl\u00fcnce, \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fckle\u201d damgalanm\u0131\u015f bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnsel ser\u00fcvenin a\u011f\u0131r liberal motifleri daha net g\u00f6r\u00fcnmektedir. Burada, \u0130slami burjuvazinin y\u00fckseli\u015fi ile \u00f6rne\u011fin yeni solun siyasal rotas\u0131 hakk\u0131ndaki fikirlerini kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda \u015fu tablo ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmaktad\u0131r: Burjuvazi, b\u00fcrokratik vesayeti kabul etmez ve ekonomik \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 do\u011frultusunda siyasal yap\u0131y\u0131 zorlayabilirse \u201cink\u0131lap yapar\u201d yani kal\u0131plar\u0131 alt\u00fcst eder; buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ekonomik \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 temel alan bir siyaset izlememelidir. Ba\u015fka deyi\u015fle, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na yasak olan \u201cs\u0131n\u0131f indirgemecili\u011fi\u201d, burjuvaziye serbest g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyordu.<\/p>\n

Durumun bir de sosyal bilimlerle ilgili bir boyutu var: Burjuvazinin ekonomik \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 tutarl\u0131 bi\u00e7imde izledi\u011finde \u201cderinden devrimler\u201d yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131na ili\u015fkin bu alt metin, son yirmi y\u0131l i\u00e7inde, \u00f6rne\u011fini yukar\u0131da Alman tarih\u00e7ili\u011fiyle ilgili verdi\u011fimiz \u00f6rnek de dahil, pek \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli yap\u0131t taraf\u0131ndan sorunsalla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lan, 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l liberallerinde ya da So\u011fuk Sava\u015f Amerikan ideolojisinde az rastlan\u0131r t\u00fcrden bir burjuvazi \u00f6vg\u00fcs\u00fcd\u00fcr (15). Bu giri\u015f niteli\u011findeki \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmada ayr\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fma niyetinde de\u011filim; ama akademik tarih\u00e7ilikte bile \u201cburjuva devrimi\u201d ve \u201cburjuvazinin getirdi\u011fi demokrasi\u201d kavram\u0131, burjuvazinin tarihin herhangi bir an\u0131nda \u201cilerici\u201d rol oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131, radikal bi\u00e7imde sorgulanmaktad\u0131r. \u00d6mer La\u00e7iner \u00f6zelinde Birikim<\/em> dergisi, \u201cburjuvazinin\u201d a\u00e7\u0131k iktidar\u0131 olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bir h\u00fck\u00fcmeti de\u011ferlendirirken, bu tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 toptan g\u00f6rmezden gelmektedir.<\/p>\n

Normal buluyorum; bir se\u00e7me ve eleme i\u015flemidir. Bu eleme i\u015flemine, s\u00f6z konusu yeni teorik tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, b\u00fcy\u00fck sermayenin AKP iktidar\u0131yla kurdu\u011fu ba\u011flar da kurban gitmi\u015fti; AKP\u2019nin se\u00e7imi kazanmas\u0131 \u00fczerine b\u00fcy\u00fck sermayenin s\u0131ra d\u0131\u015f\u0131 \u00f6vg\u00fcleri, iktidar\u0131n en kritik d\u00f6nemlerinde, 27 Nisan Muht\u0131ras\u0131, Cumhurba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 Se\u00e7imi, Kapatma Davas\u0131 gibi evrelerde hi\u00e7 de yeni ve \u0130slami olmayan, yerle\u015fik b\u00fcy\u00fck sermayenin verdi\u011fi kritik destek Birikim <\/em>\u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlemelerinde sorunsalla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131yordu (16). B\u00f6yle bir burjuvazi y\u00fckseli\u015fini \u201cspektak\u00fcler\u201d ve \u201cdevrimsel\u201d k\u0131lmak i\u00e7in, ku\u015fkusuz burjuvazinin ceberrut ve arkaik bir yap\u0131 nedeniyle daha \u00f6nce y\u00fcksel(e)medi\u011fini g\u00f6stermek i\u00e7in, senaryoda yerle\u015fik sermayenin rol\u00fcn\u00fc geri plana itmenin zorunlu oldu\u011funu kabul ediyorum.<\/p>\n

Derginin bu \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlemelerinin, se\u00e7me muhafazak\u00e2r ideologlarca alk\u0131\u015flan\u0131yor olmas\u0131 \u015fa\u015f\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 de\u011fildir. Siyasal devrim d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesine ve jakobenizme muhalefetini her f\u0131rsatta dile getiren, tan\u0131nm\u0131\u015f liberal-muhafazak\u00e2r Taha Akyol, 9 Aral\u0131k 2002 tarihli Milliyet<\/em>\u2019teki yaz\u0131s\u0131nda Birikim<\/em>\u2019in bu say\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 gazete k\u00f6\u015fesinde \u00f6vmekten geri kalm\u0131yor, AKP\u2019nin geli\u015fmesini \u201cderinden bir devrim\u201d olarak saptayan yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131yordu (17). Hem ulusalc\u0131l\u0131k lehine hem neoliberal h\u00fck\u00fcmet yanl\u0131s\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klamalar yapabilen siyaset sosyologu Prof. Dr. Nur Vergin, \u201cT\u00fcrkiye bir burjuvazi devrimi ya\u015f\u0131yor\u201d derken Birikim<\/em> dergisinin payla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131 i\u015faret ediyordu.<\/p>\n

AKP iktidar\u0131yla T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de yeniden kurulan merkezin ideolojik haz\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn belirgin rol\u00fcn\u00fc g\u00f6rebiliyoruz. \u00d6mer La\u00e7iner\u2019in, 28 \u015eubat vesilesiyle tarih ve toplumumuz \u00fczerine notlar\u0131, bu konuda tipik bir \u00f6rnek arz ediyordu. La\u00e7iner, yaz\u0131s\u0131na Bat\u0131 ile Do\u011fu toplumlar\u0131 aras\u0131nda kategorik bir fark \u00e7izerek ba\u015flamaktad\u0131r. Bu fark o denli \u00f6zseldir ki, Do\u011fu\u2019da g\u00f6r\u00fclen modernle\u015fme hamlelerini, modern kurumlar\u0131 bile derinde belirlemektedir: \u201cKa\u011f\u0131t \u00fczerinde ve d\u0131\u015f g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc\u015fleri hayli modern, \u2018Bat\u0131l\u0131\u2019 olan bu yap\u0131lar, adeta i\u00e7eriklerine n\u00fcfuz etmi\u015f o topluma \u00f6zg\u00fc bir \u2018\u015fey\u2019den \u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fc (\u2026) Bat\u0131\u2019daki \u2018as\u0131l\u2019lar\u0131 gibi i\u015flememekte, orada oynad\u0131klar\u0131 rolleri oynayamamaktad\u0131rlar.\u201d Bu yap\u0131lardaki de\u011fi\u015fime ra\u011fmen kendini koruyabilen, Do\u011fu\u2019ya \u00f6zg\u00fc \u2018\u015fey\u2019i bilemiyor ya da anlayam\u0131yorum, anlad\u0131\u011f\u0131m, s\u00f6z\u00fcn nereye getirilece\u011fidir: \u201cDolay\u0131s\u0131yla modern \u00e7a\u011f Bat\u0131 toplumlar\u0131n\u0131n tarihini, bu tarihin \u00f6nemli bir kesitindeki olaylar\u0131n niteli\u011fini, seyrini ve mant\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ba\u015fta burjuvazi ve i\u015f\u00e7iler olmak \u00fczere s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131k tutum ve eylemlerinin kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 ili\u015fki ve m\u00fccadelelerinin sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 \u00fczerinden anlatmak pek\u00e2l\u00e2 (\u2026) yeterli olabilirken; Do\u011fu toplumlar\u0131n\u0131n modernle\u015fme tarihini benzer bir model i\u00e7inde a\u00e7\u0131klamak m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir.\u201d (18) Birikim<\/em> adl\u0131 \u201csosyalist\u201d derginin genel yay\u0131n y\u00f6netmeni, \u00f6zg\u00fcn ko\u015fullar\u0131m\u0131zda s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin toplumsal bir kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirtmektedir.<\/p>\n

Ortada s\u0131n\u0131flar ve s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi yoksa, \u201cs\u0131n\u0131f\u201d ve \u201cs\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi\u201d s\u00f6zc\u00fcklerini ne yapaca\u011f\u0131z? Neyse ki \u201cDo\u011fu toplumsal formasyonlar\u0131 i\u00e7in s\u0131n\u0131f ve s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi kavramlar\u0131n\u0131n \u2018yerini tutabilecek\u2019 kavramlar \u00fcretmek\u201d, olmazsa \u201cbu kavramlara buralardaki \u00f6zg\u00fcll\u00fc\u011f\u00fc kar\u015f\u0131layacak bir i\u00e7erik\u201d kazand\u0131rmak gibi ulvi bir g\u00f6revi La\u00e7iner bizim i\u00e7in \u00fcstleniyor; bu kez Marksizm\u2019e do\u011fru esneyen bir s\u00f6ylemle, \u201cs\u0131n\u0131flardan s\u00f6z edebilmek i\u00e7in s\u00fcrekli, kal\u0131c\u0131 bir s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin \u00f6n \u015fart oldu\u011fu belirtilmelidir. Bunun anlam\u0131 (\u2026) bir m\u00fccadele s\u00fcreklilik kazanmaya ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 anda (\u2026) s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n da te\u015fekk\u00fcl etmeye ba\u015flamas\u0131d\u0131r\u201d dedikten sonra, bir yana do\u011fru \u00e7ok esnemi\u015f olacak ki, h\u0131zla \u00f6b\u00fcr yana savruluyor: \u201cO halde bir toplumsal formasyonda i\u00e7eri\u011fi, konular\u0131 g\u00f6rece ayn\u0131 kalan s\u00fcrekli bir m\u00fccadele varsa, bunun taraflar\u0131 -kendi aralar\u0131ndaki ayr\u0131mlar bir yana- birer \u2018s\u0131n\u0131f\u2019 olarak ele al\u0131nabilirler.\u201d (19) Ba\u015fka deyi\u015fle, Bat\u0131\u2019da (ku\u015fkusuz tarihsel maddecilikte) belirlendi\u011fi \u00fczere, \u201cs\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi\u201d, s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n, \u00fcretim tarz\u0131ndaki konumlar\u0131ndan kaynaklanan nesnel ve antagonistik varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ifade etmiyor; onun yerine, \u00fclkemizde \u201cs\u00fcrekli\u201d m\u00fccadele eden bir tak\u0131m taraflar -herhalde \u0130slamc\u0131lar ile Cumhuriyet se\u00e7kinleri- var ve bunlara \u201cs\u0131n\u0131f\u201d dersek, \u201cs\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesini\u201d de te\u015fhis etmi\u015f oluyoruz.<\/p>\n

Anlad\u0131\u011f\u0131m \u015fudur; teorik olarak, La\u00e7iner\u2019in s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi demek i\u00e7in s\u0131n\u0131fa, i\u015f\u00e7ilere, sermayedarlara, bunlar\u0131n siyasal uzant\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n hareketlerini incelemeye gereksinmesi yok, yaln\u0131zca herhangi bir m\u00fccadeleye gereksinme var; ona \u201cs\u0131n\u0131f\u201d s\u0131fat\u0131n\u0131 hemen takabiliyor, ayn\u0131 keyfilikle, yeni bir siyasal g\u00fcndemde \u00e7\u0131karabiliyorsunuz, portatiftir. Anlamad\u0131\u011f\u0131m ise, \u00d6mer La\u00e7iner\u2019in Marksizm\u2019le ve Bat\u0131\u2019yla hi\u00e7bir ilgisi kalmam\u0131\u015f bu kendi ke\u015ffi olan toplumsal \u201ctaraflar\u0131\u201d neden s\u00f6zgelimi \u201ctak\u0131m\u201d olarak nitelemeyip h\u00e2l\u00e2 s\u0131n\u0131f ve s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi kavramlar\u0131yla kar\u015f\u0131lamakta \u0131srar etti\u011fi, s\u00f6ylediklerinin Marksizm\u2019le kar\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 \u201ctehlikesini\u201d g\u00f6ze ald\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. Acaba neden tam da bu mu? Marksizm\u2019le -hatta derginin kapa\u011f\u0131ndaki \u201csosyalizm\u201d ibaresiyle hi\u00e7 ilgisi olmayan s\u00f6ylemlerinin- y\u00fczeysellikle malul sol tart\u0131\u015fma ortamlar\u0131nda Marksizm\u2019le kar\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 istiyor olabilir mi?\u00a0 Burada ger\u00e7ekten de \u015eark\u2019a \u00f6zg\u00fc bir zek\u00e2 sezmemek olanaks\u0131z.<\/p>\n

Her ne kadar \u201cs\u0131n\u0131flar\u201ddan s\u00f6z edilse de, neoliberal d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmle sermayenin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 do\u011frultusunda siyasal ayg\u0131t\u0131n yeniden d\u00fczenlendi\u011fi bir d\u00f6nemde, bu \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fc tezler arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131na ikna edilmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lan s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n burjuvazi de\u011fil, emek\u00e7iler oldu\u011funu s\u00f6ylemem haks\u0131zl\u0131k say\u0131lmamal\u0131d\u0131r. T\u00dcS\u0130AD \u00e7ekirde\u011finden t\u00fcm bir siyasal ya\u015fama uzanm\u0131\u015f, devasa bir sermaye birikimiyle, tekeller d\u00fczeyinde kurumlar\u0131n\u0131 i\u015fleten \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc T\u00fcrkiye sermayedarlar\u0131na, bu \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fc teorilerin \u201centeresan\u201d gelmekten ba\u015fka bir etki g\u00f6sterece\u011fini sanm\u0131yorum. Ancak, Turgut \u00d6zal \u201cdemokrasisinden\u201d beri nesnel olarak da\u011f\u0131lan, her t\u00fcrl\u00fc toplumsal g\u00fcvenceden, siyasal \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fckten yoksun b\u0131rak\u0131lan, ayd\u0131nlar\u0131, kadrolar\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck siyasal bask\u0131yla tasfiye edilen i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve sosyalist hareket \u00fczerinde etki g\u00f6stermesi muhtemeldir.<\/p>\n

Nitekim La\u00e7iner\u2019in yukar\u0131daki sat\u0131rlar\u0131 yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 tarihte \u201colmayan\u201d ya da \u201cvesayet alt\u0131nda\u201d olan s\u0131n\u0131flardan biri, burjuvazi, bir y\u0131l sonra, \u00d6mer La\u00e7iner\u2019e g\u00f6re s\u0131rf ekonomik \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 kovalayarak, bir akt\u00f6r rol\u00fcnde burjuva demokratik d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm i\u00e7in siyasal ad\u0131mlar\u0131 at\u0131yordu. Bundan sonra geriye, s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n as\u0131l uzla\u015fmaz m\u00fccadele zeminini \u00f6rt\u00fcp gerekirse ba\u015fka bir m\u00fccadeleye \u201cs\u0131n\u0131f\u201d s\u0131fat\u0131n\u0131 da koyarak, AKP iktidar\u0131yla T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de kurulan yeni merkeze do\u011fru solu y\u00f6nlendirme i\u015fi kalmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

\u00d6mer La\u00e7iner, \u201cburjuva demokratik d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u201d yolundaki muhafazak\u00e2r ink\u0131laptan bir y\u0131l \u00f6nce \u00fclkedeki \u201cm\u00fccadelenin akt\u00f6rleri Bat\u0131\u2019daki t\u00fcrden s\u0131n\u0131flar de\u011fil, onlar\u0131n \u00e7o\u011fu kez b\u00f6l\u00fcnerek bir par\u00e7as\u0131 olduklar\u0131 taraf kombinezonlar\u0131d\u0131r\u201d (20) demi\u015fti. Gerek \u201cotantik\u201d gerek \u201cgeleneksel\u201d burjuvazi, 2002 y\u0131l\u0131ndan beri \u00e7\u0131k\u0131p s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 siyaset sahnesinde g\u00f6stere g\u00f6stere ilerletti. Birikim<\/em>\u2019in otantik kuma\u015ftan dikti\u011fi bu \u201ctaraf kombinezonlar\u0131n\u0131\u201d i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ile gen\u00e7 sosyal bilimcilerin giyip giymeyece\u011fini ise, s\u0131n\u0131f siyasetinin daha da keskinle\u015fece\u011fi \u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fczdeki d\u00f6nem g\u00f6sterecektir.<\/p>\n

D\u0130PNOTLAR<\/strong>
\n1) Charles Horton Cooley, Social Organization: A Study of the Larger Mind, 3. bask\u0131 (New Jersey: Transaction Publishers, 2003).
\n2) Michael Kammen, \u201cThe Problem of American Exceptionalism: A Reconsideration\u201d, American Quarterly, Cilt. 45, say\u0131 1 (Mart, 1993), s.1-43: 12.
\n3) Bir parantezle belirtelim: \u00d6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fcklerin bu \u201cevrensel\u201d \u00f6zelli\u011fine bakarak, tarih, sosyoloji ve iktisat ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere, t\u00fcm sosyal bilimleri sorunsalla\u015ft\u0131rmamak olanaks\u0131zd\u0131r. Exceptionalism konusunda son derece \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 kitab\u0131n yazar\u0131 Dorothy Ross, \u201cs\u0131n\u0131f\u0131\u201d kategorik olarak d\u0131\u015flayan marjinalist iktisad\u0131n tam da s\u00f6z etti\u011fimiz d\u00f6nemde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131na i\u015faret ederek, b\u00f6yle k\u00f6kten bir sorunsalla\u015ft\u0131rman\u0131n \u00e7ok da yanl\u0131\u015f olmayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6steriyor. Acaba sosyal bilimler en ba\u015f\u0131ndan beri \u201cs\u0131n\u0131f\u201d \u00f6z\u00fcrl\u00fc m\u00fc? Son d\u00f6nemde modern g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fler ne denli sorgulansa, Marksizm \u00e7e\u015fitli bi\u00e7imlerde kat\u0131lsa bile, acaba sosyal bilimler bu do\u011fu\u015ftan \u00f6zr\u00fc h\u00e2l\u00e2 ta\u015f\u0131yor olabilir mi? Bu sorular\u0131n yan\u0131tlar\u0131n\u0131 ba\u015fka bir \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmada ele almay\u0131 umuyorum. Exceptionalism \u00fczerine ayr\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 bir inceleme i\u00e7in Dorothy Ross, The Origins of American Social Science, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991.
\n4) David Blackboun ve Geoff Eley, The Peculiarities of German History: Bourgeois Society and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Germany, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984).
\n5) ibid, 5-8.
\n6) Suavi Ayd\u0131n, \u201c \u2018Milli Demokratik Devrim\u2019den \u2018Ulusal Sol\u2019a T\u00fcrk Solunda \u00d6zg\u00fcc\u00fc E\u011filim,\u201d Toplum ve Bilim, 78 G\u00fcz 1998.
\n7) \u015eevket S\u00fcreyya Aydemir, \u0130nk\u0131lap ve Kadro, 2. bask\u0131 (Ankara: Bilgi Yay\u0131nevi, 1968) 53, 110.
\n8) \u0130dris K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck\u00f6mer, D\u00fczenin Yabanc\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131, 5. bask\u0131 (\u0130stanbul: Ba\u011flam Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2007) 137-138.
\n9) \u201cFakat burada esas sorun i\u00e7erik konusundan \u00f6nce derginin bu y\u00f6nde e\u011filme ihtiyac\u0131 hissetmesidir. 12 Eyl\u00fcl olmu\u015ftur. Demokrasi ayaklar alt\u0131ndad\u0131r. Ve ondan sonra mikrofon tutulan ki\u015filer i\u00e7inde sa\u011fc\u0131lar fazlal\u0131ktad\u0131r.\u201d Bu s\u00f6zlerin yazar\u0131 Sel\u00e7uk Oktay, s\u00f6z konusu durumu Ahmet \u0130nsel\u2019e sordu\u011funda ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 yan\u0131t \u015fudur: \u201cO d\u00f6nem Yeni G\u00fcndem dergisinde Prens Sabahattin\u2019den Turgut \u00d6zal\u2019a liberal sa\u011f \u00e7izginin vurgulanmas\u0131 ve bunun T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki demokrasi hareketinin gidi\u015fat\u0131 ac\u0131s\u0131ndan \u00f6neminin hat\u0131rlat\u0131lmas\u0131, vurgulanmas\u0131 \u00f6nemli idi.\u201d Sel\u00e7uk Oktay, \u201c12 Eyl\u00fcl Sonras\u0131 Solun Teorik Kurgusu \u0130\u00e7erisinde Yeni G\u00fcndem Dergisinin Yeri,\u201d Y\u0131ld\u0131z \u00dcniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstit\u00fcs\u00fc, 2009: 80.
\n10) \u00c7a\u011flar Keyder\u2019in g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerinin kapsaml\u0131 bir derlemesi ve ele\u015ftirisi i\u00e7in, \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fck\u201d yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 da derslerinde tan\u0131ma ve tart\u0131\u015fma olana\u011f\u0131 buldu\u011fum Do\u00e7 Dr. Nadir \u00d6zbek\u2019in \u015fu makalesine ba\u015fvurulabilir: \u201cAlternatif Tarih Tahayy\u00fclleri: Siyaset, \u0130deoloji ve Osmanl\u0131-T\u00fcrkiye Tarihi\u201d, Toplum ve Bilim, no. 98 (2003): 234-54.
\n11) \u00d6mer La\u00e7iner, \u201cDP, ANAP ve sonunda AKP\u201d, Birikim, say\u0131 163-164 (Kas\u0131m-Aral\u0131k 2002) s.10-20: 12-13.
\n12) ibid, 19.
\n13) Bu \u201cself-made man\u201d fig\u00fcr\u00fc, ku\u015fkusuz Tayyip Erdo\u011fan\u2019d\u0131r. Ahmet \u0130nsel\u2019in \u015fu s\u00f6zlerinde okuyoruz: \u201cErdo\u011fan ise \u2018halk\u2019t\u0131. Halk oldu\u011funu ayr\u0131ca ifade etmesine de gerek yoktu. Beden dilinden di\u011fer t\u00fcm \u00f6zelliklerine kadar, do\u011fal olarak b\u00f6yleydi. T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyet tarihinde sivrilmi\u015f siyasal \u00f6nderler aras\u0131nda en fazla, otantik bi\u00e7imde \u2018halk\u2019 olan ki\u015fiydi. Halktan gelmi\u015f olsalar da, devlet tornas\u0131ndan ge\u00e7mi\u015f, \u201cehlile\u015fmi\u015f\u201d di\u011fer cumhuriyet elitlerinin \u00f6n\u00fcne bile\u011finin hakk\u0131yla ge\u00e7mi\u015f bir yeni orta s\u0131n\u0131f eliti Erdo\u011fan. Daha kabaday\u0131, daha otoriter ifadeli, nobran delikanl\u0131 muhafazakarl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla bezenmi\u015f bir pragmatizm ve icraat\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k bu. Her \u015feyden daha \u00f6nemlisi sahici ve m\u00fctevaz\u0131, ya da b\u00f6yle alg\u0131lanmaya \u00e7ok m\u00fcsait bir duru\u015f, Erdo\u011fan ve yak\u0131n \u00e7evresine damgas\u0131n\u0131 vuruyor.\u201d \u0130yimser bak\u0131yorum, bu s\u00f6zleri, Ahmet \u0130nsel\u2019in, Erdo\u011fan\u2019a oy veren orta s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerini sergileme \u00e7abas\u0131yla kendi fikirlerini harmanlamas\u0131 olarak g\u00f6rm\u00fcyorum; herhalde yazar \u201cotantik\u201d burjuvazinin g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc ayr\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 betimleme hevesiyle, a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015fme sendromuna kurban gitmi\u015f olmal\u0131d\u0131r. Medyan\u0131n ve halkla ili\u015fkiler ofislerinin Tayyip Erdo\u011fan\u2019a ili\u015fkin imaj \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131na kendini fazla inand\u0131rm\u0131\u015f g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor. Ahmet \u0130nsel, \u201cOla\u011fanla\u015fan Demokrasi Ve Modern Muhafazakarl\u0131k\u201d, Birikim, say\u0131 163-164 (Kas\u0131m-Aral\u0131k 2002) s. 21-28: 22.
\n14) ibid, 24.
\n15) Burada, burjuvaziye ekonomik \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131yla do\u011fru orant\u0131l\u0131 ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen bir siyasal ilericilik atfeden anlay\u0131\u015f, ku\u015fkusuz gerek\u00e7esini Marx\u2019\u0131n ve Kom\u00fcnist Manifesto\u2019nun son derece y\u00fczeysel okumalar\u0131nda bulabilir. Yaln\u0131z, bunun hangi Marksist \u00e7e\u015fitlemelere denk d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bir yana, bunlara g\u00f6nderme yapanlar\u0131n Marksizm konusundaki tutarl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kan\u0131tlam\u0131yor. Nitekim Marx\u2019\u0131n ayn\u0131 pro-burjuva vurgular\u0131, \u00e7o\u011fu zaman Mehmet Altan gibi m\u00fcfrit liberallerin de kendilerini Marksist ilan etmelerini m\u00fcmk\u00fcn k\u0131labilmektedir. Bu manzara, Marksizm i\u00e7inde, bu t\u00fcr vurgular\u0131n son derece ac\u0131mas\u0131z bir teorik bak\u0131\u015fla yeniden de\u011ferlendirilmesi gere\u011fini g\u00f6steriyor.
\n16) B\u00fcy\u00fck sermayenin AKP krizlerindeki tutumuna ili\u015fkin k\u0131sa bir tabloyu \u015furada sunmu\u015ftum: Bar\u0131\u015f Zeren \u201cB\u00fcy\u00fck Sermaye AKP\u2019yi Destekliyor Mu?\u201d www.odatv.com, 21.06.2009, \u00e7evrimi\u00e7i.
\n17) Taha Akyol, \u201cMuhafazak\u00e2r Demokrat \u0130nk\u0131lap,\u201d Milliyet, 9 Aral\u0131k 2002.
\n18) \u00d6mer La\u00e7iner, \u201c \u201928 \u015eubat S\u00fcreci\u2019 Vesilesiyle Tarih Ve Toplumumuza Dair Notlar\u201d, Birikim, say\u0131 131 (Mart 2001) s.15-22: 15.
\n19) ibid, 16.
\n20) ibid, 15-16.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

\u00d6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fck, bir \u00fclkenin, di\u011ferlerinden ayr\u0131, m\u00fcstesna, kendisine \u00f6zg\u00fc sosyolojik ve tarihsel nitelikleri oldu\u011funu kabul eden, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla g\u00fcncel siyasal sorunlar\u0131 bu \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcnl\u00fckler\u201d \u00fczerinden \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmleyen bir yakla\u015f\u0131m. Genellikle milliyet\u00e7ilik ve devlet\u00e7ilikle an\u0131lan \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn liberal versiyonu da var. Bu liberal \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn bir \u00f6rne\u011fini \u00fclkemizde liberal-muhafazak\u00e2r ittifak\u0131n yeni tarih tezinde g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz. Bu kesim, 2002 y\u0131l\u0131ndaki AKP iktidar\u0131n\u0131, akademik liberalizmin […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":364,"featured_media":49573,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[110,235,222,29],"tags":[719,1563,536,430],"class_list":["post-10840","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-73-sayi","category-guncel","category-tarih","category-toplum","tag-muhafazakarlik","tag-neoliberalizm","tag-siyaset","tag-toplum"],"acf":[],"aioseo_notices":[],"aioseo_head":"\n\t\t\n\t\n\t\n\t\n\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t