{"id":11972,"date":"2014-08-01T21:40:53","date_gmt":"2014-08-01T18:40:53","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/109.232.216.219\/~bilimvegelecek\/?p=11972"},"modified":"2018-05-15T16:58:23","modified_gmt":"2018-05-15T13:58:23","slug":"michael-heinrichin-marksizmi-kapitalizmi-ve-emperyalizmi-bati-cephesinde-yeni-bir-sey-yok","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/bilimvegelecek.com.tr\/index.php\/2014\/08\/01\/michael-heinrichin-marksizmi-kapitalizmi-ve-emperyalizmi-bati-cephesinde-yeni-bir-sey-yok","title":{"rendered":"Michael Heinrich\u2019in Marksizmi, kapitalizmi ve emperyalizmi: Bat\u0131 cephesinde yeni bir \u015fey yok!"},"content":{"rendered":"

Alman profes\u00f6r Michael Heinrich, \u201cKapital\u2019in \u00dc\u00e7 Cildi\u2019ne Bir Giri\u015f\u201d adl\u0131 kitab\u0131nda Althusser ile ba\u015flayan \u201cYeni Marx Okumas\u0131\u201dn\u0131 devam ettirerek Bat\u0131 Marksizmi\u2019nin iktisad\u0131n\u0131 yapma iddias\u0131ndad\u0131r. Bu yaz\u0131, Heinrich\u2019in \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 ekseninde Bat\u0131 Marksizmi\u2019nin iktisat ad\u0131na ileri s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bilim-d\u0131\u015f\u0131 tezleri mercek alt\u0131na almay\u0131 hedefliyor.<\/em><\/p>\n

2008 y\u0131l\u0131nda, Amerika\u2019da ba\u015flayan b\u00fcy\u00fck resesyon iyice derinle\u015fti\u011finde, Marx\u2019\u0131n yay\u0131mc\u0131s\u0131 AFP\u2019ye \u015f\u00f6yle konu\u015fmu\u015ftu: \u201cEkonomik krizde Kapital<\/em> sat\u0131\u015flar\u0131 iyi gidiyor.\u201d Kapitalist \u00fcretim kendisine pazar bulamazken Marx\u2019\u0131n eserlerine talebin artmas\u0131 kapitalizmin \u00e7eli\u015fkilerinden biri olsa gerek.<\/p>\n

Ancak Kapital<\/em> sadece kriz zamanlar\u0131nda okunan bir kitap de\u011fil; bas\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00fcnden bu yana her zaman polemik konusu olmu\u015f bir klasiktir. \u00c7evrildi\u011fi ilk dilin Rus\u00e7a olmas\u0131 pek \u00e7ok a\u00e7\u0131dan ilgiye de\u011fer; her \u015feyden \u00f6nce \u00c7arl\u0131k despotizminin sans\u00fcr \u00e7emberini delebilmesi bile ilgi uyand\u0131r\u0131c\u0131.<\/p>\n

Kapital<\/em> \u00fczerine ilk polemik Rusya\u2019da yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r; bu polemi\u011fin \u00fczerinden y\u00fcz y\u0131l\u0131 a\u015fk\u0131n bir s\u00fcre ge\u00e7mesine ra\u011fmen tart\u0131\u015fman\u0131n g\u00fcncelli\u011fini yitirmedi\u011fi ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclebilir. Ku\u015fkusuz polemi\u011fin i\u00e7eri\u011fini olu\u015fturan sorunlar gerek bilimsel gerekse de politik a\u00e7\u0131dan \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Ancak bu polemikten sonra, birbirine taban tabana z\u0131t iki ayr\u0131 Marksizmin var oldu\u011fu tescillenmi\u015f ve polemik bu iki e\u011filimi ortaya \u00e7\u0131karmada kataliz\u00f6r i\u015flevi g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr.<\/p>\n

Tart\u0131\u015fman\u0131n bir taraf\u0131nda narodnikler bulunmaktad\u0131r; onlara g\u00f6re kapitalizm tar\u0131msal yap\u0131 nedeniyle Rusya\u2019da gereksindi\u011fi pazar\u0131 asla bulamayacakt\u0131r. Dahas\u0131 kapitalist \u00fcretim ili\u015fkileri ilkel birikim yoluyla k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck meta \u00fcretimini ac\u0131mas\u0131zca tasfiye edece\u011finden bu a\u015fama atlanmal\u0131d\u0131r; bir ba\u015fka deyi\u015fle, feodaliteden kom\u00fcnizme ge\u00e7i\u015f do\u011frudan olmal\u0131d\u0131r. Marx\u2019\u0131n bu yola bir itiraz\u0131n\u0131n bulunmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 biliniyor; Kapital<\/em>\u2019in bu ilk yorumu, bilimsel a\u00e7\u0131dan ku\u015fkulu olsa da, devrimcidir.<\/p>\n

Tart\u0131\u015fman\u0131n di\u011fer taraf\u0131nda ise Legal Marksistler vard\u0131r. Narodniklerin aksine onlar kapitalizmin Rusya\u2019da ya\u015fayabilir oldu\u011funu savunmu\u015flard\u0131r. Onlara g\u00f6re sanayi gereksindi\u011fi pazar\u0131 tar\u0131mda bulmak zorunda de\u011fildir; kapitalizm gereksindi\u011fi talebi kendi i\u00e7erisinde yaratma g\u00fcc\u00fcne sahiptir. Plehanov ile Lenin bu noktada Legal Marksistler ile mutab\u0131kt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Ancak tart\u0131\u015fma uzad\u0131k\u00e7a ve devrimci m\u00fccadele sertle\u015ftik\u00e7e, Rusya\u2019da kapitalizmin ya\u015fayabilir oldu\u011fu tezi giderek yerini kapitalizmin hi\u00e7bir engelle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fmadan, Rosa Luxemburg\u2019un deyi\u015fiyle, \u201cg\u00fcne\u015f s\u00f6nene kadar\u201d devam edebilece\u011fi tezine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. Daha sonra bu tez Otto Bauer taraf\u0131ndan Bat\u0131 Marksizmi\u2019ne ithal edildi ve onun omurgas\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturdu.<\/p>\n

Bu \u00e7atallanmayla birlikte Plekhanov ile Lenin, Legal Marksistler ile yapt\u0131klar\u0131 ittifak\u0131 bozdular ve Devrimci Marksizm\u2019in temellerini att\u0131lar.<\/p>\n

Bat\u0131 Marksizmi\u2019ne g\u00f6re kapitalizmin \u00f6n\u00fcnde hi\u00e7bir engel yoktur. Uzla\u015fmaz s\u0131n\u0131f kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131klar\u0131 nedeniyle proletaryan\u0131n devrimci m\u00fccadelelere giri\u015fece\u011fi ve bu m\u00fccadeleler sonucunda kapitalizmin y\u0131k\u0131laca\u011f\u0131 tezinin reddi, Bat\u0131 Marksizmi\u2019nin \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f noktas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu reddi tamamlayan ikinci bir ret daha var. Bu da Devrimci Marksizm\u2019in veya k\u0131saca s\u00f6ylersek Leninizm\u2019in reddidir.<\/p>\n

Alman profes\u00f6r Michael Heinrich Kapital\u2019in \u00dc\u00e7 Cildi\u2019ne Bir Giri\u015f<\/em> adl\u0131 eserinde Bat\u0131 Marksizmi ile \u201cd\u00fcnya g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fc olarak Marksizm\u201d (Weltanschauungsmarxismus<\/em>) olarak tan\u0131mlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 geleneksel Marksizm aras\u0131nda bir kavgan\u0131n oldu\u011funu kaydediyor; ancak \u00f6nemli oldu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bir bo\u015fluk saptamas\u0131 var. Ona g\u00f6re Bat\u0131 Marksizmi\u2019nin geleneksel Marksizm\u2019e y\u00f6neltti\u011fi ele\u015ftirilerin \u00f6nemli bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc felsefe, tarih ve teori alan\u0131ndad\u0131r; siyasal iktisat ele\u015ftirisi alan\u0131nda Lukacs\u2019tan Gramsci\u2019ye, Pannekoek\u2019ten Frankfurt Okulu\u2019na Bat\u0131 Marksizmi\u2019nin s\u00f6yledikleri \u00e7ok azd\u0131r. Heinrich, Althusser ile ba\u015flayan \u201cYeni Marx Okumas\u0131\u201dn\u0131 devam ettirerek Bat\u0131 Marksizmi\u2019nin iktisad\u0131n\u0131 yapma iddias\u0131ndad\u0131r. (1)<\/p>\n

Bu yaz\u0131, Heinrich\u2019in \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 ekseninde Bat\u0131 Marksizmi\u2019nin iktisat ad\u0131na ileri s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bilim-d\u0131\u015f\u0131 tezleri mercek alt\u0131na almay\u0131 hedefliyor.<\/p>\n

Feti\u015fist d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceler<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00d6ncelikle belirtmek gerekiyor; Heinrich\u2019in Marx\u2019\u0131n Kapital<\/em>\u2019den \u00f6nce yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 eserleri de\u011ferli buldu\u011funa dair bir i\u015farete sahip de\u011filiz. Hatta Heinrich Kapital<\/em>\u2019de yer al\u0131p da kom\u00fcnizmi tarihsel bir zorunluluk olarak resmeden pasajlar\u0131 da Marx\u2019\u0131n d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesine yak\u0131\u015ft\u0131rm\u0131yor. (2)<\/p>\n

Kom\u00fcnist Manifesto<\/em> ile ba\u015fl\u0131yor; bu eserdeki \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlemeye g\u00f6re, kapitalist s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc \u00e7\u0131plakt\u0131r ve egemen s\u0131n\u0131f kilise, bas\u0131n ve e\u011fitim sistemi arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla kitleleri manip\u00fcle etmekte, s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc gizlemeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmaktad\u0131r. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla ideolojik m\u00fccadele, bu s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr k\u0131lmaya d\u00f6n\u00fck te\u015fhirlerden ibarettir. Heinrich bu analizi yetersiz buluyor; Kapital<\/em>\u2019deki \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlemeyi Manifesto<\/em>\u2019dakinden \u00e7ok farkl\u0131 ve daha ge\u00e7erli say\u0131yor. Buna g\u00f6re, Kapital<\/em>\u2019in temel pasajlar\u0131 kapitalist s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn \u00e7\u0131plak olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131, tam tersine, meta feti\u015fizmi nedeniyle toplumsal ili\u015fkilerin gizemli bir bi\u00e7ime b\u00fcr\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u00fczerinedir. O halde s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn gizlenmesi, egemen s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n egemen d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceyi belirleme g\u00fcc\u00fc nedeniyle de\u011fil, kapitalist \u00fcretimin kendine \u00f6zg\u00fc yap\u0131s\u0131ndan kaynaklanmaktad\u0131r. (3) Bu y\u00fczden meta feti\u015fizmi basit bir \u201cyanl\u0131\u015f bilin\u00e7\u201d durumu de\u011fildir.<\/p>\n

Kapitalist \u00fcretim s\u00fcreci, \u00f6zel eme\u011fe toplumsal bir nitelik kazand\u0131r\u0131r; bunun sonucunda insanlar aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkiler nesneler aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkiler olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr. Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z meta \u00fcreticileri m\u00fcbadele dolay\u0131m\u0131yla mevcut toplumsal ili\u015fkileri m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olan tek ili\u015fki bi\u00e7imi olarak kabul etmeye e\u011filimlidirler. Metan\u0131n i\u00e7inde bar\u0131nd\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 toplumsal ili\u015fkiler onun do\u011fas\u0131na aitmi\u015f gibi alg\u0131lan\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla proletaryan\u0131n, \u00fcretim s\u00fcrecindeki maddi konumunu yans\u0131tan s\u0131n\u0131f bilincini eninde sonunda edinece\u011fine ili\u015fkin materyalist \u00f6nerme do\u011fru de\u011fildir. Dahas\u0131 var. Proletaryan\u0131n kendi bilincine varamamas\u0131n\u0131n nedeni egemen s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n kitleler \u00fczerindeki ideolojik hegemonyas\u0131 olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131na g\u00f6re, proletaryaya d\u0131\u015far\u0131dan bilin\u00e7 ta\u015f\u0131ma iddias\u0131ndaki siyasi partilerin \u00e7abalar\u0131 da ancak alay konusu olabilir. (4) Heinrich, Lenin\u2019in parti teorisini b\u00f6yle \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcyor.<\/p>\n

Devam ediyor; proletarya s\u0131n\u0131f bilinci kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131 zaman bile, bu asla onun kapitalizmin d\u0131\u015f\u0131na \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelmemektedir. Proletarya, t\u0131pk\u0131 kapitalistler gibi meta feti\u015fizminin b\u00fcy\u00fcs\u00fc alt\u0131ndad\u0131r ve \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 kavramaya ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, bunlar\u0131 ilk \u00f6nce kapitalizm i\u00e7erisinde ifade eder. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla proletaryan\u0131n y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelelerinin b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu reformist olmak durumundad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Tam da bu y\u00fczden tarihte proletaryan\u0131n devrimci eylemlere giri\u015fti\u011fi \u00f6rnekler \u00e7ok nadirdir. Heinrich burada yanl\u0131\u015f anlamalar\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcne ge\u00e7mek i\u00e7in hemen ekliyor: \u201c\u2026fakat bu \u00f6rnekler proletaryan\u0131n devrimci bir s\u0131n\u0131fa d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesi y\u00f6n\u00fcndeki genel e\u011filimin bir sonucu de\u011fil, somut tarihsel ko\u015fullar\u0131n bir ifadesidir.\u201d Burada bir parantez a\u00e7\u0131yor ve \u00f6rnek olarak Spartakistler\u2019in ayaklanmas\u0131n\u0131 veriyor. Buna g\u00f6re 1918\u2019de belirleyici olan \u201csava\u015f\u0131n kaybedilmesi ve daha \u00f6nceleri egemen olan aristokratik-askeri \u00e7evrelerin me\u015fruiyetini yitirmesidir.\u201d Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, \u201c[p]roletaryan\u0131n belli kesimlerinin devrimci y\u00f6nelimi daima ge\u00e7ici bir g\u00f6r\u00fcng\u00fc olarak kald\u0131.\u201d (5)<\/p>\n

Heinrich Marx\u2019\u0131n meta feti\u015fizmi analizinde, kapitalizmin emniyet supab\u0131n\u0131 ke\u015ffediyor. \u00d6yle ki, ilkel birikim ile kapitalist s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ko\u015fullar\u0131 sa\u011fland\u0131ktan sonra, devlet zoru istisnai bir karaktere b\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcyor. (6) Meta feti\u015fizminin d\u00fczene istikrar temin etme i\u015flevi zor ayg\u0131t\u0131 olarak devleti neredeyse gereksizle\u015ftiriyor.<\/p>\n

Peki, Heinrich\u2019e g\u00f6re Kapital<\/em>\u2019in anlam\u0131 nerededir? Uzun bir al\u0131nt\u0131 ile \u00f6zetlemek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn: \u201cTam tersine, Kapital<\/em> devrimci geli\u015fmelerin bu kadar nadir olmas\u0131n\u0131n ve yukar\u0131daki pasajda s\u00f6z\u00fc ge\u00e7en \u2018ayaklanman\u0131n\u2019 do\u011frudan do\u011fruya kapitalizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadeleye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmemesinin nedenlerini anlamaya d\u00f6n\u00fck detaylar sunmaktad\u0131r: feti\u015fizm, \u00fccret-formunun ak\u0131l-d\u0131\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve \u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc form\u00fcl analiziyle Marx kapitalist \u00fcretim tarz\u0131n\u0131n nas\u0131l kendi imgesini yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6stermi\u015ftir. Bu imgede toplumsal ili\u015fkiler nesnele\u015ftirilmi\u015ftir ve kapitalist \u00fcretim ili\u015fkileri g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc\u015fe g\u00f6re her t\u00fcr \u00fcretime ait ko\u015fullardan kaynaklanmaktad\u0131r. \u00d6yle ki, bu imgeye g\u00f6re, sadece kapitalizm i\u00e7indeki de\u011fi\u015fiklikler olanakl\u0131d\u0131r. Devrimci bir geli\u015fme ortaya \u00e7\u0131kabilir; bu imk\u00e2ns\u0131z de\u011fildir, fakat hi\u00e7 de ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz de\u011fildir.\u201d (7) \u0130\u015fte, kom\u00fcnizmin tarihin yasalar\u0131ndan \u00e7\u0131kan bir zorunluluk oldu\u011fu tezi b\u00f6yle \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcl\u00fcyor.<\/p>\n

Oysa Marx meta feti\u015fizmi analizi ile burjuva bilincinin ne kadar \u00e7eli\u015fkili, abs\u00fcrtl\u00fcklerle malul oldu\u011funu g\u00f6sterir. Sadece burjuva bilincinin yanl\u0131\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ortaya koymakla yetinmez, bu yanl\u0131\u015f\u0131n arkas\u0131ndaki nedenleri de analiz eder. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Heinrich\u2019in \u0131srarl\u0131 iddialar\u0131n\u0131n aksine, meta feti\u015fizmi, eninde sonunda, yanl\u0131\u015f bilin\u00e7tir; kapitalist \u00fcretime egemen olan yasalar\u0131n kavranamamas\u0131n\u0131n sonucudur. Burada ger\u00e7eklik, t\u0131pk\u0131 retinadaki gibi, ba\u015f a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 durur. B\u00fcy\u00fck filozof Hegel\u2019in dedi\u011fi gibi, \u201cZorunluluk, bilincine var\u0131lmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00fcrece k\u00f6rd\u00fcr.\u201d Burjuva bilinci, k\u00f6rl\u00fckt\u00fcr.<\/p>\n

\u00c7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f teorisi<\/strong><\/p>\n

Art\u0131k felsefeden iktisada ge\u00e7iyoruz. Heinrich\u2019in \u00f6nemli iddialar\u0131ndan birisi, Marx\u2019\u0131n bir \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f teorisine sahip olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 tezidir. Ona g\u00f6re Marx, Grundrisse<\/em>\u2019de ve di\u011fer eserlerinde kapitalizmin i\u00e7 \u00e7eli\u015fkileri sonucu \u00e7\u00f6kece\u011fini savunsa da, \u00f6mr\u00fcn\u00fcn son y\u0131llar\u0131nda bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015ften vazge\u00e7mi\u015ftir. Hatta Marx, k\u00e2r oranlar\u0131n\u0131n d\u00fc\u015fme e\u011filimi yasas\u0131n\u0131 da savunmay\u0131 b\u0131rakm\u0131\u015f; ancak Engels edit\u00f6rl\u00fck marifetiyle onu Kapital<\/em>\u2019in \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc cildine yerle\u015ftirmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

Heinrich, kapitalist \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerinin, \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7lerin geli\u015fimine ayak uyduramay\u0131p \u00e7\u00f6kece\u011fine ili\u015fkin teorilerin temel bir sorunla kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya oldu\u011funu ileri s\u00fcr\u00fcyor: \u201c\u2026 bu teoriler, kapitalizmin ba\u015f edemeyece\u011fi ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz bir geli\u015fme e\u011filimi oldu\u011funu iddia ederler; \u00f6yle ki onun varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n devam\u0131, tarihin ger\u00e7ek ak\u0131\u015f\u0131 i\u00e7inde ne ger\u00e7ekle\u015firse ger\u00e7ekle\u015fsin, zorunlu olarak imk\u00e2ns\u0131z hale gelir.\u201d (8) Demek ki, kapitalizmin \u00f6n\u00fcnde bir biti\u015f \u00e7izgisi oldu\u011fu iddia edilemez. Dahas\u0131; kapitalizmin nas\u0131l sona erece\u011fi, hatta sona erip ermeyece\u011fi de \u00f6nceden belirlenemez. (9) O halde, kapitalizmin ebedi bir sistem olarak devam edece\u011fi a priori<\/em> \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclemez.<\/p>\n

A\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a belirtmek gerekiyor; burada Heinrich\u2019in reddetti\u011fi \u015fey kapitalizmin tarihsel bak\u0131mdan ge\u00e7ici bir d\u00fczen oldu\u011fu tezidir. B\u00f6ylelikle de, \u00e7ok etkili oldu\u011funu varsayd\u0131\u011f\u0131 meta feti\u015fizminin b\u00fcy\u00fcs\u00fcne bizzat kendisi kap\u0131lmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Marx\u2019\u0131n siyasal iktisad\u0131n en \u00f6nemli yasas\u0131 olarak kabul etti\u011fi k\u00e2r oranlar\u0131n\u0131n d\u00fc\u015fmesi e\u011filimi yasas\u0131, sermayenin nas\u0131l kendisinin engeli haline geldi\u011fini ortaya koyar. Bireysel kapitalistler, rekabetin bask\u0131s\u0131 alt\u0131nda emek \u00fcretkenli\u011fini artt\u0131ran teknikleri \u00fcretime sokarlar; bu sayede canl\u0131 emekten tasarruf ederler, a\u00e7\u0131k bir deyi\u015fle, makineler i\u015f\u00e7ilerin yerini al\u0131r. Yeni teknikleri uygulayan kapitalistler birim maliyetleri d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrd\u00fckleri i\u00e7in fiyat k\u0131rarlar; b\u00f6ylelikle hem daha \u00e7ok mal satarlar ve bu sayede a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 k\u00e2r elde ederler hem de daha geri tekniklerle \u00fcretim yapan rakiplerini iflasa s\u00fcr\u00fcklerler. \u0130flas tehlikesi alt\u0131ndaki kapitalistler, modern \u00fcretim tekniklerini benimsemek durumundad\u0131r. Yeni teknik yayg\u0131nla\u015f\u0131r yayg\u0131nla\u015fmaz, a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 k\u00e2rlar erir. \u015eimdi, art\u0131k-de\u011ferin kayna\u011f\u0131 olan canl\u0131 emekten tasarruf etmenin bedelini \u00f6demenin vakti gelmi\u015ftir; s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc oran\u0131 artsa bile, s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclen i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fc nispi olarak azald\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan art\u0131k-de\u011fer k\u00fctlesi yat\u0131r\u0131lan sermayeye oranla k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcl\u00fcr ve k\u00e2r oranlar\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fer.<\/p>\n

Marx bu yasay\u0131, neoklasik iktisad\u0131n y\u00fcksek matemati\u011fiyle de\u011fil, d\u00f6rt i\u015flemle izah eder. 24 i\u015f\u00e7inin istihdam edildi\u011fini ve her birinin g\u00fcnde 2 saat kapitalist i\u00e7in \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 varsayal\u0131m. O halde bir g\u00fcnl\u00fck toplam art\u0131k-emek 48 saattir. \u015eimdi emek \u00fcretkenli\u011finde meydana gelen radikal bir art\u0131\u015f sonucu, 24 i\u015f\u00e7i yerine 2 i\u015f\u00e7inin istihdam edildi\u011fini varsayal\u0131m. Bu 2 i\u015f\u00e7i, hi\u00e7 uyumadan \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmak ve havayla beslenmek gibi insan\u00fcst\u00fc yetilere sahip olsa bile, yine de bir g\u00fcnde en fazla 48 saatlik art\u0131k-de\u011fer \u00fcretebilir.<\/p>\n

Bir ba\u015fka deyi\u015fle, s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc oran\u0131ndaki art\u0131\u015f, k\u00e2r oran\u0131ndaki d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015f\u00fc yava\u015flatsa bile engelleyemez. Daha \u00e7ok i\u015f\u00e7i s\u00f6m\u00fcrmek yerine daha az i\u015f\u00e7iyi daha \u00e7ok s\u00f6m\u00fcrmenin \u00f6n\u00fcnde a\u015f\u0131lamayacak s\u0131n\u0131rlar vard\u0131r. Bir kez bu s\u0131n\u0131rlara ula\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, art\u0131k-de\u011fer k\u00fctlesi sadece g\u00f6reli olarak de\u011fil, mutlak olarak da azal\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Emek verimlili\u011fini art\u0131ran her yenilik, bir ba\u015fka deyi\u015fle, \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7lerin geli\u015fmesi, son tahlilde, kapitalist \u00fcretimin biricik amac\u0131 olan art\u0131k-de\u011fer k\u00fctlesini g\u00f6reli olarak k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fclt\u00fcr, mevcut sermaye stokunun de\u011ferini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fcr ve kapitalistlerin \u00f6nemli bir k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131 iflasa s\u00fcr\u00fckler. Bu y\u00fczden tekelci kapitalizmle birlikte iktisadi \u00f6nemi artan fikri m\u00fclkiyet haklar\u0131 ve patent yasalar\u0131, yeni teknikleri te\u015fvik etmekten \u00e7ok onlar\u0131n \u00fcretim s\u00fcrecine sokulmas\u0131n\u0131 engellemek i\u00e7in vard\u0131r. \u00dcretici g\u00fc\u00e7lerin geli\u015fimi, kapitalist ili\u015fkilere s\u0131\u011fmamaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Ama Heinrich bu analizden ho\u015fnut de\u011fildir. \u0130\u015f\u00e7ilerin yerini makineler ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in kapitalistlerin sermayelerinden yapt\u0131klar\u0131 \u00fccret giderleri azalacakt\u0131r; dolay\u0131s\u0131yla art\u0131k de\u011fer k\u00fctlesinin k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fclmesine kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k, yat\u0131r\u0131lan toplam sermaye de onunla birlikte k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fclecektir. \u201cE\u011fer yat\u0131r\u0131lan sermaye art\u0131k de\u011ferden daha h\u0131zl\u0131 d\u00fc\u015ferse, o zaman, art\u0131k-de\u011fer k\u00fctlesindeki azalmaya ra\u011fmen, k\u00e2r oran\u0131 artar.\u201d (10) Profes\u00f6r Heinrich, k\u00e2r oranlar\u0131n\u0131n d\u00fc\u015fmedi\u011fini ispatlamak i\u00e7in sermaye birikiminin eksiye d\u00f6nd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc varsaymaktad\u0131r. Bir ba\u015fka deyi\u015fle, Heinrich\u2019in mant\u0131\u011f\u0131na g\u00f6re, kapitalistler ellerinde tuttuklar\u0131 sermayenin her ge\u00e7en g\u00fcn erimesine \u00fcz\u00fclmemelidirler; tam tersine, k\u00e2r oranlar\u0131n\u0131n d\u00fc\u015fmedi\u011fini g\u00f6r\u00fcp kendilerini \u015fansl\u0131 saymal\u0131d\u0131rlar. Ne mant\u0131k ama!<\/p>\n

Bir an i\u00e7in bunun do\u011fru oldu\u011funu varsayal\u0131m. O zaman da, k\u00e2rdan sermayeye ilave edilecek b\u00f6l\u00fcm k\u00e2r oran\u0131ndaki art\u0131\u015fla birlikte b\u00fcy\u00fcyecektir. Sonu\u00e7 olarak Heinrich\u2019in s\u00f6ylediklerinin aksine sermaye birikimi h\u0131zlanacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Gerek kapitalizm tarihinin incelenmesi gerekse de kapitalist \u00fcretime egemen olan yasalar sermaye birikiminin zaman i\u00e7erisinde ve e\u011filim olarak artt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ortaya koymaktad\u0131r. Sermaye birikiminin eksiye d\u00f6nmesi durumu buhranlar d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda ancak sava\u015flar\u0131n, b\u00fcy\u00fck do\u011fal felaketlerin getirdi\u011fi y\u0131k\u0131mlarla m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olabilmektedir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Heinrich k\u00e2r oranlar\u0131n\u0131n d\u00fc\u015fmek zorunda olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ispatlamak isterken fark\u0131nda olmadan \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f teorisi yapmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Heinrich kapitalizmin ne kadar dayan\u0131kl\u0131 bir \u00fcretim tarz\u0131 oldu\u011funu g\u00f6stermek istercesine \u015fu sat\u0131rlar\u0131 kaleme al\u0131yor: \u201c\u2026 krizlerde, birbiriyle ili\u015fki i\u00e7inde olan (s\u00f6zgelimi \u00fcretim ve t\u00fcketim) fakat birbirinden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zla\u015fm\u0131\u015f (\u00fcretim ve t\u00fcketim farkl\u0131 belirlenimlere t\u00e2bidirler) kesimler aras\u0131ndaki birlik \u015fiddetli bir \u015fekilde restore edilir.\u201d (11) G\u00fczel ama yine de \u0130ngilizce\u2019deki bir s\u00f6z\u00fc hat\u0131rlamakta yarar var; sometimes the cure is worse than the disease, bazen tedavi hastal\u0131ktan beterdir.<\/p>\n

Emperyalizm teorisini \u00e7\u00f6pe mi atsak?<\/strong><\/p>\n

En ba\u015fta belirtilmi\u015fti; Bat\u0131 Marksizmi\u2019nin genesis\u2019inde Lenin\u2019in ve Lenin\u2019in eserlerinin reddi vard\u0131r. \u0130lk \u00f6nce de, Lenin\u2019in en b\u00fcy\u00fck eseri olan Sovyetler Birli\u011fi\u2019nin reddi vard\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Heinrich bir istisna de\u011fil; Sovyet sosyalizmine \u201cotoriter refah devleti\u201d (12) yaftas\u0131n\u0131 yap\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131yor. Bat\u0131 kapitalizminden s\u00f6z ederken, geli\u015fmi\u015f \u00fclkelerde askeri diktat\u00f6rl\u00fcklerin ve benzeri rejimlerin istisna, demokrasinin ise kural oldu\u011funu belirten Heinrich, bu ho\u015fg\u00f6r\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc sosyalizmden esirgiyor. Hitler fa\u015fizminin kendi \u00fclkesinde boy att\u0131\u011f\u0131 ger\u00e7e\u011fini bir yana b\u0131rakal\u0131m; Heinrich kendi halk\u0131na so\u011fuk sava\u015f ilan eden, s\u00f6m\u00fcrgelerinde kanl\u0131 darbeler tertipleyen emperyalist \u00fclkeleri demokrasi, parlamentarizm ve \u201cbas\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc\u201d (13) gibi ilkelerle takdis ediyor.<\/p>\n

Heinrich en az\u0131ndan bu noktada tutars\u0131z de\u011fildir; zira o emperyalizm teorisini reddetmektedir. Bir ba\u015fka deyi\u015fle, ona g\u00f6re Lenin\u2019in emperyalizm teorisi, t\u0131pk\u0131 parti teorisi gibi, \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fckt\u00fcr. (14)<\/p>\n

Heinrich\u2019in emperyalizm teorisine itirazlar\u0131n\u0131 teorik ve ampirik olarak iki kategoride incelemekte yarar var.<\/p>\n

Teorik olarak s\u00f6ylediklerini \u015f\u00f6yle \u00f6zetlemek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn: Lenin\u2019in ileri s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn aksine, sermayenin merkezile\u015fmesi ve yo\u011funla\u015fmas\u0131 sonucu tekellerin ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 evrensel bak\u0131mdan egemen bir yasa de\u011fildir; hatta zaman zaman bunun tersi ge\u00e7erlidir. Dahas\u0131 Lenin\u2019in emperyalizme \u201casalak\u201d s\u0131fat\u0131n\u0131 lay\u0131k g\u00f6rmesi de yanl\u0131\u015ft\u0131r; zira, neden sermayenin yabanc\u0131 \u00fclkelerdeki i\u015f\u00e7ileri s\u00f6m\u00fcrmesi kendi \u00fclkesindeki i\u015f\u00e7ileri s\u00f6m\u00fcrmesinden daha k\u00f6t\u00fc olsun?<\/p>\n

\u00d6ncelikle tekelle\u015fme e\u011filimiyle ba\u015flamak gerekiyor. Sermayenin merkezile\u015fmesi yasas\u0131, b\u00fct\u00fcn yasalar gibi, e\u011filim olarak ge\u00e7erlidir; somut ger\u00e7eklikte bu e\u011filimi yava\u015flatan, yer yer durduran, hatta tersine \u00e7eviren kar\u015f\u0131 e\u011filimler vard\u0131r. S\u00f6zgelimi, yeni metalar\u0131n ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 ve kapitalist pazar\u0131 geni\u015fletmesi, sermayenin merkezile\u015fmesi e\u011filimini yava\u015flat\u0131r. Kapitalistler pazara yeni bir meta s\u00fcrd\u00fckleri vakit kendilerine al\u0131c\u0131 bulabilirlerse, yani satt\u0131klar\u0131 \u00fcr\u00fcn \u201ctutulursa\u201d, bu, kapitalist pazar\u0131n geni\u015fledi\u011fi anlam\u0131na gelir. \u00dcretim, talepteki b\u00fcy\u00fcmeye yeti\u015fmekte zorlan\u0131r ve arz\u0131n yeti\u015fmemesi durumundan kaynaklanan a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 k\u00e2rlar bu \u00fcretim kolunda faaliyet g\u00f6steren sermaye say\u0131s\u0131nda art\u0131\u015fa neden olur. Ancak bir noktada \u00fcretim kapasitesindeki art\u0131\u015f \u00f6denebilir talebi a\u015far ve o zaman a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 \u00fcretim ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar. Her kriz, faaliyet g\u00f6steren sermaye say\u0131s\u0131nda azalmaya neden olur. Tekelle\u015fme e\u011filimi nihai olarak bask\u0131n \u00e7\u0131kar.<\/p>\n

PC \u00fcretimi buna tipik bir \u00f6rnektir; masa\u00fcst\u00fc ve diz\u00fcst\u00fc bilgisayarlar\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck bir taleple kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131 sonucu \u00fcretim uzunca bir s\u00fcre pazardaki geni\u015flemenin gerisinde kald\u0131. 90\u2019l\u0131 y\u0131llar\u0131n en de\u011ferli \u015firketleri bilgisayar teknolojisi sekt\u00f6r\u00fcndeydi; bu da sekt\u00f6re giri\u015flerin artmas\u0131na neden oldu. Ancak zamanla bilgisayar pazar\u0131 doymaya ba\u015flad\u0131 ve tekelle\u015fme e\u011filimi g\u00fc\u00e7 kazand\u0131. Bug\u00fcn ayakta kalma sava\u015f\u0131 veren Hewlett-Packard veya IBM gibi b\u00fcy\u00fck firmalar bile sermayenin merkezile\u015fmesi yasas\u0131ndan muaf de\u011fildir. Bir zamanlar \u201cGM i\u00e7in iyi olan Amerika i\u00e7in iyidir\u201d s\u00f6z\u00fcne ilham olmu\u015f General Motors\u2019un iflas\u0131 ve devlet m\u00fclkiyetine devri de sermayenin merkezile\u015fmesi yasas\u0131n\u0131n bir di\u011fer \u00f6rne\u011fidir; otomobil \u00fcretiminin simgesi olan Detroit\u2019in iflas\u0131 ne kadar simgeselse, Alman otomobil tekellerinin y\u00fckseli\u015fi de o kadar ger\u00e7ektir.<\/p>\n

Lenin\u2019in tekelle\u015fme e\u011filimi olarak adland\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu yasan\u0131n bir\u00e7ok ampirik kan\u0131t\u0131 vard\u0131r. Bir tanesi \u015f\u00f6yle: Amerikan imalat sanayisi \u00fczerine yap\u0131lan bir ara\u015ft\u0131rmaya g\u00f6re, bir end\u00fcstri kolunda faaliyet g\u00f6steren en b\u00fcy\u00fck d\u00f6rt firman\u0131n \u00fcretimin y\u00fczde 50\u2019sini veya \u00fcst\u00fcn\u00fc ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdi\u011fi sanayi dallar\u0131 devaml\u0131 olarak artmaktad\u0131r; rakam vermek gerekirse, Amerika\u2019da, tekellerin egemen oldu\u011fu \u00fcretim kollar\u0131n\u0131n say\u0131s\u0131 \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n hemen ertesinde 40 civar\u0131nda gezinirken, 2007 krizi \u00f6ncesinde bu say\u0131 185\u2019e \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. (15)<\/p>\n

Heinrich Lenin\u2019e, sermayenin yabanc\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7ileri s\u00f6m\u00fcrmesi neden kendi \u00fclkesindeki i\u015f\u00e7ileri s\u00f6m\u00fcrmesinden daha k\u00f6t\u00fcd\u00fcr, diye soruyordu. Emperyalist bir \u00fclkede ya\u015fayan ve Marksist oldu\u011funu iddia eden birisinin b\u00f6yle bir soruyu telaffuz etmesi, en hafif tabirle, ay\u0131pt\u0131r. Ancak Heinrich sorusunda \u0131srar ediyorsa arad\u0131\u011f\u0131 yan\u0131t\u0131 kendi \u00fclkesinin tarihinde bulabilir; zira, Kayzer Wilhelm ile F\u00fchrer Hitler\u2019in emperyalizm ser\u00fcvenlerinin iki d\u00fcnya sava\u015f\u0131na mal oldu\u011fu ger\u00e7e\u011fi, bu soruyu yan\u0131tlamaya yeterlidir.<\/p>\n

Heinrich\u2019in emperyalizm teorisine d\u00f6n\u00fck ampirik itirazlar\u0131n\u0131 \u015f\u00f6yle \u00f6zetlemek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn: Sermaye ihrac\u0131, Lenin\u2019in dedi\u011fi gibi, emperyalist \u00fclkelerdeki tekellerin kendi \u00fclkelerinde k\u00e2rl\u0131 yat\u0131r\u0131m olanaklar\u0131 bulamad\u0131klar\u0131 i\u00e7in k\u00e2r oranlar\u0131n\u0131n daha y\u00fcksek oldu\u011fu geri kalm\u0131\u015f \u00fclkelere yapt\u0131klar\u0131 yat\u0131r\u0131mlarsa, neden sermaye ihrac\u0131 daha \u00e7ok emperyalist \u00fclkeler aras\u0131nda yap\u0131lmaktad\u0131r? \u0130statistiklere g\u00f6re, emperyalist \u00fclkelerin birbirlerine yapt\u0131klar\u0131 sermaye ihrac\u0131, geri kalm\u0131\u015f \u00fclkelere yapt\u0131klar\u0131ndan daha fazlad\u0131r. O halde sermaye ihrac\u0131n\u0131n nedeni, geli\u015fmi\u015f \u00fclkelerde k\u00e2rl\u0131 yat\u0131r\u0131m imk\u00e2nlar\u0131n\u0131n bulunmamas\u0131 de\u011fildir. Bir ba\u015fka deyi\u015fle, sermaye ihrac\u0131n\u0131n arkas\u0131ndaki e\u011filim, geri kalm\u0131\u015f \u00fclkelerdeki ucuz i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc s\u00f6m\u00fcrmek de\u011fildir. Heinrich buradan bir sonu\u00e7 \u00e7\u0131kart\u0131yor: Emperyalizmin gerisinde, tekellerin kapitalist merkezler d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki yabanc\u0131 \u00fclkelere sermaye ihrac\u0131 yapmalar\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flamak veya yapt\u0131klar\u0131 sermaye ihrac\u0131n\u0131 g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na almak yat\u0131yorsa, o halde emperyalizm teorisi ge\u00e7ersizdir. Bu sonuca bir soruyla ek yap\u0131yor: Madem emperyalizmin ay\u0131rt edici \u00f6zelli\u011fi sermaye ihrac\u0131, neden en b\u00fcy\u00fck emperyalist \u00fclke olan ABD sermaye ithal ediyor?<\/p>\n

Sonuncusuyla ba\u015flayal\u0131m. Ampirik olarak bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda Amerika kabar\u0131k ithalat faturas\u0131 nedeniyle olu\u015fan cari a\u00e7\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, d\u0131\u015f tasarruflarla kapatmakta ve bu anlamda sermaye ithal etmektedir. Ancak, \u00f6z ile bi\u00e7im ayn\u0131 olsayd\u0131 bilim gereksiz olurdu. Bir kere, Amerika\u2019n\u0131n d\u00f6viz cinsinden d\u0131\u015f borcu yoktur; yani b\u00fct\u00fcn d\u0131\u015f borcu kendi para birimi olan Amerikan dolar\u0131 cinsindendir. Dahas\u0131 Amerikan Merkez Bankas\u0131, nicel gev\u015feme politikalar\u0131 nedeniyle, piyasalara trilyonlarca dolar enjekte etmi\u015f, bilan\u00e7osunu \u00fc\u00e7e katlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bunun sonucu alt\u0131n fiyatlar\u0131n\u0131n f\u0131rlamas\u0131d\u0131r; bir ons alt\u0131n\u0131n fiyat\u0131 kriz \u00f6ncesinde 675 dolarken bu yaz\u0131 yaz\u0131l\u0131rken 1300 dolar civar\u0131ndad\u0131r. ABD dolar bast\u0131k\u00e7a, alt\u0131n cinsinden bor\u00e7lar\u0131 erimektedir. En \u00f6nemlisi de, ABD\u2019nin d\u0131\u015f ticaret a\u00e7\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kendi bast\u0131\u011f\u0131 tahvillerle finanse ediyor olmas\u0131d\u0131r. Marksist iktisada g\u00f6re tahviller, reel sermaye de\u011fil, hayali sermayedir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Amerika\u2019n\u0131n ithal etti\u011fi sermaye hayali sermayedir.<\/p>\n

Peki reel sermaye a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, durum nas\u0131l? D\u00fcnyada en \u00e7ok do\u011frudan yabanc\u0131 sermaye yat\u0131r\u0131m stokunun bulundu\u011fu \u00fclke yine Amerika\u2019d\u0131r. Ama Lenin\u2019in eserini \u00e7\u00f6pe atmak konusunda aceleci olmamak gerekir. Zira, d\u00fcnyada en \u00e7ok yabanc\u0131 sermaye yat\u0131r\u0131m stoku bulunduran \u00fclke de Amerika\u2019d\u0131r ve aradaki fark bu sonuncusu lehinedir.<\/p>\n

Tablo I: 31 Aral\u0131k 2012 itibariyle do\u011frudan yabanc\u0131 sermaye stoku \u2013 yurt i\u00e7inde<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n
1) ABD<\/strong><\/td>\n$ 2,723,000,000,000<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
2) \u00c7in<\/strong><\/td>\n$ 1,344,000,000,000<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
3) \u0130ngiltere<\/strong><\/td>\n$ 1,321,000,000,000<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
4) Almanya <\/strong><\/td>\n$ 1,307,000,000,000<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
5) Hong Kong<\/strong><\/td>\n$1,270,000,000,000<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n

Kaynak: CIA Factbook<\/p>\n

Tablo II: 31 Aral\u0131k 2012 itibariyle do\u011frudan yabanc\u0131 sermaye stoku \u2013 yurt d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n
1) ABD<\/strong><\/td>\n$ 4,507,000,000,000<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
2) \u0130ngiltere<\/strong><\/td>\n$ 1,808,000,000,000<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
3) Almanya <\/strong><\/td>\n$ 1,790,000,000,000<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
4) Fransa <\/strong><\/td>\n$ 1,683,000,000,000<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
6) Japonya<\/strong><\/td>\n$ 1,049,000,000,000<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n

Kaynak: CIA Factbook<\/p>\n

Yukar\u0131daki tablolar gerek ABD\u2019nin gerekse \u0130ngiltere, Almanya, Fransa ve Japonya gibi di\u011fer emperyalist \u00fclkelerin net sermaye ihracat\u00e7\u0131s\u0131 olduklar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6stermektedir. Bu da Lenin\u2019in teorisiyle tutarl\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Dahas\u0131 sermaye ithal eden ilk 5 \u00fclkeye dikkatlice bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, \u00c7in\u2019in 1,344 trilyon dolarla ikinci, Hong Kong\u2019un da 1,27 trilyon dolarla be\u015finci s\u0131rada yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr. Hong-Kong\u2019u tarihsel ve ekonomik nedenlerle ayr\u0131 bir y\u00f6netim olarak kabul etmek yerine \u00c7in\u2019in bir par\u00e7as\u0131 saymak daha isabetlidir; bu olgu g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcnde bulunduruldu\u011funda, \u00c7in\u2019in net bir bi\u00e7imde d\u00fcnyan\u0131n en \u00e7ok sermaye ithal eden ikinci \u00fclkesi oldu\u011fu g\u00f6r\u00fclecektir.<\/p>\n

Ancak emperyalistlerin birbirlerine ihra\u00e7 ettikleri sermayenin, zay\u0131f halkalara ihra\u00e7 ettiklerinden daha fazla oldu\u011fu iddias\u0131 h\u00e2l\u00e2 ortad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Bu iddiay\u0131 ele almadan \u00f6nce y\u00f6nteme ili\u015fkin bir not d\u00fc\u015felim: Fizikte Galileo ve iktisatta Ricardo\u2019dan beri, bilim mutlak b\u00fcy\u00fckl\u00fcklerle ilgilenmeyi b\u0131rakm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r; bu b\u00fcy\u00fck d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrlerden sonra bilim insanlar\u0131 hep zaman i\u00e7indeki de\u011fi\u015fimleri incelediler.<\/p>\n

B\u00f6yle bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, emperyalist \u00fclkelerden ucuz i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn bulundu\u011fu \u00fclkelere yap\u0131lan sermaye ihrac\u0131n\u0131n son 35 y\u0131lda hem miktar olarak hem de oran olarak artt\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr. Bu e\u011filim 2012 y\u0131l\u0131nda makas\u0131n geri \u00fclkeler lehine a\u00e7\u0131lmas\u0131yla sonu\u00e7lanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r; Birle\u015fmi\u015f Milletler raporuna g\u00f6re, ilk defa \u201cgeli\u015fmekte olan \u00fclkelere\u201d giden sermaye, geli\u015fmi\u015f \u00fclkelere giden sermayeyi ge\u00e7mi\u015ftir. 2012 y\u0131l\u0131nda toplam do\u011frudan yabanc\u0131 sermaye yat\u0131r\u0131m hacmi 1,35 trilyon dolard\u0131r; bunun y\u00fczde 52\u2019si yani 703 milyar dolar\u0131 kapitalist geli\u015fmede geri kalan \u00fclkelere gitmi\u015ftir. Raporda vurgulanan bir nokta \u00f6zellikle \u00f6nemlidir; Avrupa ve Japonya resesyonda oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in, emperyalist merkezlere giden sermaye ak\u0131mlar\u0131 \u00fc\u00e7te bir oran\u0131nda zay\u0131flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Lenin, hi\u00e7bir zaman zay\u0131f halkalara yap\u0131lan sermaye ihrac\u0131n\u0131n d\u00fczg\u00fcn-do\u011frusal bir \u00e7izgi izleyece\u011fini \u00f6ne s\u00fcrmemi\u015ftir. Emperyalist ekonomilerde pazarlar\u0131n geni\u015fledi\u011fi \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131 konjonkt\u00fcrde, sermaye ihrac\u0131 daha \u00e7ok emperyalist bloklar aras\u0131nda ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilmi\u015ftir. Ancak 1970\u2019lerde emperyalist pazarlardaki geni\u015fleme durmu\u015f, a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 \u00fcretim krizi meydana gelmi\u015f ve bu durum, emperyalist ekonomilerdeki k\u00e2r oranlar\u0131nda ciddi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015flere yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Emperyalistler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc D\u00fcnya\u2019y\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcrmenin \u00f6nemi artm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Nitekim istatistikler de bunu do\u011frulamaktad\u0131r. 1970\u2019li y\u0131llarda, d\u00fcnyadaki end\u00fcstriyel i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn yar\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 emperyalist \u00fclkelerin i\u015f\u00e7ileri meydana getirirken di\u011fer yar\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 da iktisat\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n \u201cglobal G\u00fcney\u201d olarak adland\u0131rd\u0131klar\u0131 geri kalm\u0131\u015f uluslar\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7ileri olu\u015fturmaktayd\u0131. Bunal\u0131mla birlikte, uluslararas\u0131 tekeller ayakta kalabilmek i\u00e7in \u00fcretimlerini \u00fccretlerin y\u00fcksek oldu\u011fu emperyalist \u00fclkelerden geri kalm\u0131\u015f \u00fclkelere do\u011fru kayd\u0131rd\u0131lar.<\/p>\n

Bu \u00fclkelerin en \u00f6nemli \u00f6zelli\u011fi, n\u00fcfuslar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nemli bir k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131n tar\u0131m kesiminde olmas\u0131yd\u0131. Ba\u015fta \u00c7in olmak \u00fczere, Vietnam, Banglade\u015f, Malezya gibi bir\u00e7ok \u00fclkede Marx\u2019\u0131n Kapital<\/em>\u2019in birinci cildinin son b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcnde anlatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ilkel birikim s\u00fcreci birebir ya\u015fand\u0131. Say\u0131lar\u0131 y\u00fcz milyonlarla \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fclen tar\u0131msal art\u0131k-n\u00fcfus, topraklar\u0131ndan s\u00f6k\u00fcl\u00fcyor ve b\u00fcy\u00fck kentlerde sanayi proletaryas\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcyordu. Tar\u0131m k\u00f6kenli bu yeni-proleterler hem d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck ya\u015fam standartlar\u0131na hem de a\u011f\u0131r el eme\u011fi gerektiren i\u015flere al\u0131\u015fk\u0131nd\u0131lar.<\/p>\n

B\u00f6ylelikle emperyalist ekonomilerde iktisat\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n de-end\u00fcstriyalizasyon ad\u0131n\u0131 verdikleri s\u00fcre\u00e7 ba\u015flad\u0131; tekeller fabrikalar\u0131n\u0131 deniz a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 \u00fclkelere ta\u015f\u0131rlarken, sanayinin milli gelirden ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 pay h\u0131zla k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcld\u00fc. D\u00fcnya s\u0131nai i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn y\u00fczde 80\u2019ini art\u0131k yerk\u00fcrenin g\u00fcneyinde ya\u015fayan sanayi proletaryas\u0131 olu\u015fturuyordu.<\/p>\n

Bir \u00f6rnek yeterli olacakt\u0131r. D\u00fcnyan\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck \u015firketi Apple \u00fcretiminin tamam\u0131n\u0131 Amerika d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck \u00fccretli \u00fclkelerde ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmektedir. 2006 y\u0131l\u0131nda 30 Gb\u2019l\u0131k bir iPod\u2019un ABD\u2019deki sat\u0131\u015f fiyat\u0131 299 dolar iken, iPod\u2019un \u00c7in\u2019den Amerika\u2019ya geli\u015f fiyat\u0131 144 dolar 40 cent\u2019tir. 154,60 dolarl\u0131k br\u00fct k\u00e2r Apple, perakendeciler, distrib\u00fct\u00f6rler ve vergiler kanal\u0131yla Amerikan devleti aras\u0131nda b\u00f6l\u00fc\u015f\u00fclmektedir.<\/p>\n

iPod \u00fcretimi d\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131nda 41 bin ki\u015fiye i\u015f sa\u011flamaktad\u0131r. Bunun yaln\u0131zca 14 bini Amerikan i\u015f\u00e7isidir; Amerika\u2019da istihdam edilen i\u015f\u00e7ilerden sadece 30\u2019u \u00fcretimde yer almaktad\u0131r. 7789 i\u015f\u00e7i perakende alan\u0131nda \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131rken, y\u00f6neticilerin ve \u00fcr\u00fcn geli\u015ftirmede \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan m\u00fchendislerin say\u0131s\u0131 6101\u2019dir. iPod i\u00e7in \u00c7in\u2019de \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan i\u015f\u00e7i say\u0131s\u0131 12.250\u2019dir ve bunlar\u0131n tamam\u0131 \u00fcretim s\u00fcrecinde yer almaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Amerika\u2019da \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan iPod i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin say\u0131s\u0131 kabaca \u00c7in\u2019dekiler kadard\u0131r. Buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k, Apple\u2019\u0131n Amerika\u2019daki toplam \u00fccret faturas\u0131 719 milyon dolar iken \u00c7in\u2019deki i\u015f\u00e7i maliyeti yaln\u0131zca 19 milyon dolard\u0131r! Amerika\u2019da \u00fcretim s\u00fcrecinde yer alan bir i\u015f\u00e7inin y\u0131ll\u0131k \u00fccreti 47.640 dolar iken, \u00c7in\u2019deki \u00fcretken i\u015f\u00e7inin y\u0131ll\u0131k \u00fccreti 1540 dolard\u0131r, bir ba\u015fka deyi\u015fle, haftal\u0131k 30 dolard\u0131r. (16)<\/p>\n

Rakamlar, yorum gerektirmeyecek kadar a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Obama Doktrini<\/strong><\/p>\n

Peki, Lenin\u2019in emperyalizm teorisinin bu tablodaki yeri ne? Bu noktada Obama doktrinini hat\u0131rlamak durumunday\u0131z.<\/p>\n

Sekiz y\u0131ll\u0131k Cumhuriyet\u00e7i-Neocon Bush y\u00f6netimin ard\u0131ndan ABD b\u00fcy\u00fck resesyona girmi\u015f ve ilk kez siyah tenli bir ki\u015fi ba\u015fkanl\u0131k koltu\u011funa oturmu\u015ftu. Demokrat Obama\u2019n\u0131n yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ilk i\u015f, Amerika\u2019n\u0131n g\u00fcvenlik konseptini de\u011fi\u015ftirmek olmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n

Amerika\u2019da ba\u015fkanlar yapt\u0131klar\u0131 konu\u015fmalarda form\u00fcle ettikleri politikalarla doktrin sahibi olurlar. S\u00f6zgelimi Monroe doktrinine g\u00f6re Amerika, Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n s\u00f6m\u00fcrgelerine ve i\u00e7 i\u015flerine kar\u0131\u015fmayacak, buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k, Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n Amerika\u2019y\u0131 kolonize etme giri\u015fimleri Birle\u015fik Devletler\u2019ce m\u00fcdahale nedeni say\u0131lacakt\u0131r. Bir ba\u015fka deyi\u015fle, 1823 tarihli Monroe doktrini proto-emperyalist a\u015famada bulunan Amerika\u2019y\u0131 bir k\u0131ta \u00fclkesi olarak tarif etmektedir.<\/p>\n

Obama doktrini de, yakla\u015f\u0131k \u00fc\u00e7 ku\u015fakt\u0131r emperyalist d\u00fcnyan\u0131n liderli\u011fini y\u00fcr\u00fcten Birle\u015fik Devletler\u2019in konumunu yeniden tarif etmektedir. Bu doktrini, Obama\u2019n\u0131n Avustralya Parlamentosu\u2019na hitaben s\u00f6yledi\u011fi, \u201cThe United States is a Pacific power\u201d, Birle\u015fik Devletler bir Pasifik g\u00fcc\u00fcd\u00fcr, s\u00f6z\u00fcyle \u00f6zetleyebiliriz.<\/p>\n

Yeni doktrine g\u00f6re Amerikan Ordusu Irak\u2019taki askerlerini geri \u00e7ekecek, \u0130srail dizginlenecek, \u0130ran ile diyalog kap\u0131lar\u0131 zorlanacak, Arap d\u00fcnyas\u0131yla ili\u015fkiler tamir edilecek, Barzani\u2019nin merkezka\u00e7 e\u011filimleri t\u00f6rp\u00fclenecek ve Irak\u2019\u0131n siyasi birli\u011fi muhafaza edilecektir.<\/p>\n

Fakat Obama doktrini bunlardan ibaret de\u011fildir. Obama\u2019n\u0131n \u201carkadan liderlik etme\u201d olarak form\u00fcle etti\u011fi yeni bir konsept telif edilmi\u015f ve Libya\u2019da uygulanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu konsepte binaen; Fransa marifetiyle ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilen NATO m\u00fcdahalesine Amerika sonradan ve operasyonu tamamlamak \u00fczere i\u015ftirak etmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

Yine bu konsepte g\u00f6re Amerika Suriye\u2019de vekalet sava\u015f\u0131yla yetinmek durumundad\u0131r. Obama Suriye\u2019ye askeri m\u00fcdahaleden ka\u00e7\u0131nmakta ve bu konudaki g\u00f6n\u00fcls\u00fczl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc bizzat televizyonlar arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla dile getirmektedir; bunun T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki i\u015fbirlik\u00e7ilerini ne kadar hayal k\u0131r\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131na u\u011fratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 malumumuzdur.<\/p>\n

K\u0131sacas\u0131 Ortado\u011fu\u2019da \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmaya girmekten imtina eden Obama, Amerika\u2019n\u0131n g\u00fcvenlik \u00f6nceli\u011fini G\u00fcneydo\u011fu Asya\u2019ya ve Pasifik\u2019e kayd\u0131rmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Bunal\u0131mla birlikte emperyalist merkezlerin, \u201cgeli\u015fmekte olan \u00fclkelere\u201d yapt\u0131klar\u0131 sermaye ihrac\u0131n\u0131n istatistik olarak artt\u0131\u011f\u0131na yukar\u0131da i\u015faret edilmi\u015fti. \u0130\u015faret edilmeyen nokta ise, son on y\u0131lda d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck \u00fccretli \u00fclkelerdeki tar\u0131msal art\u0131k-n\u00fcfusun tamam\u0131n\u0131n kentlere g\u00f6\u00e7 etmi\u015f oldu\u011fudur. Bir di\u011fer deyi\u015fle, ucuz i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fc rezervleri art\u0131k t\u00fckenme noktas\u0131ndad\u0131r ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck \u00fccretli \u00fclkelerdeki sanayi proletaryas\u0131 giderek militanla\u015fmaktad\u0131r. 2002 y\u0131l\u0131nda \u00c7in\u2019de saat ba\u015f\u0131 \u00fccret 60 cent iken 2009\u2019da 1,8 dolar\u2019a y\u00fckselmi\u015ftir; mutlak olarak h\u00e2la ihmal edilebilir d\u00fczeyde olsa da \u00fccretler \u00fc\u00e7 kat\u0131na \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. 2010 y\u0131l\u0131 fabrikalar\u0131n intiharlarla ve grevlerle \u00e7alkaland\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir y\u0131ld\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Tekellerin ucuz i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fc s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcne daha fazla muhta\u00e7 olduklar\u0131 kriz konjonkt\u00fcr\u00fcnde i\u015f\u00e7ilerin giderek militanla\u015fmalar\u0131, en b\u00fcy\u00fck emperyalist \u00fclkede alarm zillerinin \u00e7almas\u0131na yetmi\u015ftir. ABD emperyalizmi b\u00f6lgedeki varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 daha da hissedilir k\u0131lmaya mecburdur. \u00c7in\u2019in devasa cari fazlas\u0131n\u0131 eritmesi i\u00e7in bask\u0131 yapmak ve tekellerin a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na almak; Obama Doktrini\u2019nin \u00f6z\u00fc budur.<\/p>\n

Emperyalist \u00fclkelerin birbirlerine yapt\u0131klar\u0131 sermaye ihrac\u0131n\u0131n mutlak b\u00fcy\u00fckl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u00fczerine belirtilmesi gereken birka\u00e7 nokta daha bulunmaktad\u0131r. Bu t\u00fcrden sermaye ihra\u00e7lar\u0131 temel olarak yeni \u00fcretim kapasiteleri yaratmaya d\u00f6n\u00fck yat\u0131r\u0131mlardan ziyade birle\u015fme ve sat\u0131n almaya (mergers & acquisitions) d\u00f6n\u00fckt\u00fcr. Marksist kavramlar\u0131n s\u0131nanmas\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan, emperyalist bir \u00fclkeden bir ba\u015fka emperyalist \u00fclkeye yap\u0131lan do\u011frudan yabanc\u0131 sermaye yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n mutlak b\u00fcy\u00fckl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, yeni \u00fcretken kapasiteler yaratmamas\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcs\u00fcnde, ge\u00e7erli bir ampirik \u00e7er\u00e7eve olu\u015fturmamaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Lenin daima, emperyalist \u00fclkelerin d\u00fcnyan\u0131n b\u00f6l\u00fc\u015f\u00fclmesi konusunda \u00e7eli\u015fki i\u00e7inde olduklar\u0131n\u0131 vurgulam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde emperyalist tekellerin ba\u015fka emperyalist \u00fclkelerdeki \u015firketleri ele ge\u00e7irmesi, onlarla ortakl\u0131k kurmas\u0131 da tekeller aras\u0131 rekabetin gerekleri aras\u0131ndad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Peki, tekeller bu keskin rekabette yaln\u0131z m\u0131d\u0131r? \u00c7ok yak\u0131n zamanlardan bir \u00f6rnek bu soruya a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131k getirecektir. Amerikan Ulusal G\u00fcvenlik Servisi\u2019nin Avrupa\u2019daki en Amerikanc\u0131 politikac\u0131 s\u0131fat\u0131n\u0131 haiz Alman \u015eans\u00f6lyesi Merkel\u2019i dinledi\u011finin ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 \u00fczerine b\u00fcy\u00fck bir skandal koptu. Obama, Merkel\u2019i arayarak \u00f6z\u00fcr diledi. Bu skandal hakk\u0131nda gazetecilere yorum yapan Frans\u0131z \u0130\u00e7 \u0130stihbarat Te\u015fkilat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n eski \u015fefi Bernard Squarcini\u2019nin s\u00f6ylediklerine kulak vermekte yarar var:<\/p>\n

\u201cBu kadar endi\u015fe verici safl\u0131k kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda \u015fa\u015f\u0131r\u0131yorum\u2026 [\u0130stihbarat] Te\u015fkilatlar\u0131, her \u00fclkenin kendi m\u00fcttefiklerine kar\u015f\u0131 casusluk yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7ok iyi bilirler, bu \u00fclkeler ter\u00f6re kar\u015f\u0131 i\u015fbirli\u011fi yapt\u0131klar\u0131 zamanlarda bile durum b\u00f6yledir. Ticari ve end\u00fcstriyel d\u00fczeyde Amerikal\u0131lar bize kar\u015f\u0131 casusluk yaparlar, t\u0131pk\u0131 bizim de onlara yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z gibi, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc \u015firketlerimizi korumak ulusal \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131m\u0131zd\u0131r. Hi\u00e7 kimse ahmak de\u011fil.\u201d (17) Bu if\u015faat, Amerikan emperyalizminin Avrupa politikas\u0131n\u0131 da netli\u011fe kavu\u015fturuyor.<\/p>\n

Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla sermaye ihrac\u0131n\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck bir k\u0131sm\u0131 geli\u015fkin kapitalist merkezler aras\u0131nda cereyan etti\u011fi i\u00e7in emperyalist politikalara gerek duyulmayaca\u011f\u0131 tezi, ki Heinrich\u2019in s\u00f6yledi\u011fi tam da budur, bo\u015ftur.<\/p>\n

***<\/p>\n

K\u0131sacas\u0131 bat\u0131 cephesinde yeni bir \u015fey yoktur.<\/p>\n

Proletaryan\u0131n devrim yapmaktan \u00e7ok uzak oldu\u011funu uzun uzun anlatarak burjuvazilerini teskin eden pek \u00e7ok \u201cBat\u0131l\u0131 Marksist\u201d profes\u00f6r vard\u0131r. Bu \u201cBat\u0131l\u0131 Marksist\u201d profes\u00f6rler, \u00fclkelerine d\u00f6n\u00fck emperyalizm ithamlar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 kendilerini siper eden \u201cMarksistler\u201d yeti\u015ftirmektedirler.<\/p>\n

Bat\u0131 Marksizmi koku\u015fmakta, koku\u015ftuk\u00e7a da bilim ve devrim kap\u0131s\u0131ndan uzakla\u015fmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Marx Kapital<\/em>\u2019i yazarken \u0130ngiltere\u2019yi model ald\u0131 ancak eseri ilk kez Bat\u0131\u2019da de\u011fil Do\u011fu\u2019da tart\u0131\u015f\u0131ld\u0131; demek ki Lenin\u2019in form\u00fcle etti\u011fi e\u015fitsiz geli\u015fme yasas\u0131 o zaman da ge\u00e7erliydi. Bilimin ve devrimin kap\u0131lar\u0131 bug\u00fcn Bat\u0131\u2019da kapal\u0131ysa, Do\u011fu\u2019da a\u00e7\u0131lacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

A\u00e7aca\u011f\u0131z.<\/p>\n

Dipnotlar<\/strong><\/p>\n

1) Michael Heinrich, An Introduction to the three volumes of Karl Marx\u2019s Capital<\/em>, \u0130ngilizce\u2019ye \u00e7eviren: Alexander Lokascio, Monthly Review Press, 2012, s.26-27.<\/p>\n

2) ibid, s.198.<\/p>\n

3) ibid, s.180-181.<\/p>\n

4) ibid, s.194.<\/p>\n

5) ibid, s.196.<\/p>\n

6) ibid, s.206.<\/p>\n

7) ibid, s.198.<\/p>\n

8) ibid, s.177.<\/p>\n

9) ibid, s.198.<\/p>\n

10) ibid, s.153.<\/p>\n

11) ibid, s.173.<\/p>\n

12) ibid, s.221.<\/p>\n

13) ibid, s.210.<\/p>\n

14) ibid, s.215-216.<\/p>\n

15) http:\/\/monthlyreview.org\/2011\/04\/01\/monopoly-and-competition-in-twenty-first-century-capitalism<\/p>\n

16) http:\/\/monthlyreview.org\/2012\/07\/01\/the-gdp-illusion<\/p>\n

17) Economist, Europe and American spooks: Controlled Anger, Charlemange, 25 Ekim 2013.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Alman profes\u00f6r Michael Heinrich, \u201cKapital\u2019in \u00dc\u00e7 Cildi\u2019ne Bir Giri\u015f\u201d adl\u0131 kitab\u0131nda Althusser ile ba\u015flayan \u201cYeni Marx Okumas\u0131\u201dn\u0131 devam ettirerek Bat\u0131 Marksizmi\u2019nin iktisad\u0131n\u0131 yapma iddias\u0131ndad\u0131r. Bu yaz\u0131, Heinrich\u2019in \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 ekseninde Bat\u0131 Marksizmi\u2019nin iktisat ad\u0131na ileri s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bilim-d\u0131\u015f\u0131 tezleri mercek alt\u0131na almay\u0131 hedefliyor. 2008 y\u0131l\u0131nda, Amerika\u2019da ba\u015flayan b\u00fcy\u00fck resesyon iyice derinle\u015fti\u011finde, Marx\u2019\u0131n yay\u0131mc\u0131s\u0131 AFP\u2019ye \u015f\u00f6yle konu\u015fmu\u015ftu: \u201cEkonomik […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":595,"featured_media":25584,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[163,1464,28],"tags":[580,433,334,977],"class_list":["post-11972","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-126-sayi","category-dosya","category-sosyal-bilimler","tag-emperyalizm","tag-kapitalizm","tag-marksizm","tag-michael-heinrich"],"acf":[],"aioseo_notices":[],"aioseo_head":"\n\t\t\n\t\n\t\n\t\n\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t