{"id":14778,"date":"2016-09-01T11:56:44","date_gmt":"2016-09-01T08:56:44","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/109.232.216.219\/~bilimvegelecek\/?p=14778"},"modified":"2017-12-20T12:20:00","modified_gmt":"2017-12-20T09:20:00","slug":"arap-fetihlerinde-teblig-ve-cihadin-rolu","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/bilimvegelecek.com.tr\/index.php\/2016\/09\/01\/arap-fetihlerinde-teblig-ve-cihadin-rolu","title":{"rendered":"Arap fetihlerinde tebli\u011f ve cihad\u0131n rol\u00fc"},"content":{"rendered":"

\u0130slam tarihinden \u0130slam motiflerini kaz\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda, alt\u0131nda k\u0131m\u0131ldayan \u00e7ift ba\u015fl\u0131 kartal\u0131 ya da simurgu g\u00f6rmemek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn m\u00fcd\u00fcr? \u0130slam, t\u00fcm bir \u0130slam tarihinin iddias\u0131n\u0131n aksine, sanki yay\u0131lmamak \u00fczere do\u011fmu\u015ftu; fetihlere dini bir nitelik arac\u0131l\u0131k etmiyordu. Halifelik y\u00f6netiminde dinin tebli\u011finden ve \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n ilkelerinden \u00e7ok, h\u00e2l\u00e2 Bizans ve Sasani k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn s\u00f6z\u00fc ge\u00e7iyordu. Zaman\u0131n tarihinde sesi duyulanlar bu iki k\u00fclt\u00fcrd\u00fc; T\u00fcrk-\u0130slam tarih\u00e7ilerince sesleri k\u0131s\u0131lanlar da bunlar oldular. \u00d6yleyse tarih h\u00e2l\u00e2 yaz\u0131lmay\u0131 beklemektedir.<\/em><\/p>\n

\u0130slam tarihinden gayrim\u00fcslim Bizans ve Sasani devletlerini \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131rsak, geriye ne kal\u0131r; Halifeli\u011fin bu iki devletten miras ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 imparatorluk d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi d\u0131\u015far\u0131da b\u0131rak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, bir \u0130slam devletinden ya da bir \u0130slam imparatorlu\u011fundan s\u00f6z edilebilir mi? \u0130slamc\u0131lar\u0131n \u0130slam\u2019dan ibaret tarihlerinde, hi\u00e7 \u015f\u00fcphe yok ki, bu sorular yer alm\u0131yor. \u0130slam tarihi \u0130slamc\u0131lar\u0131n ve hatta T\u00fcrk-\u0130slamc\u0131lar\u0131n tarihlerinde bir Arap \u00f6yk\u00fcs\u00fcnden ibarettir; \u00e7\u00f6llerde ayetlerin geli\u015fiyle ba\u015flam\u0131\u015f, ticaret merkezleri Mekke ve Medine\u2019nin \u0130slam\u2019\u0131 kabul\u00fcyle devam etmi\u015f ve \u0130slam fetihleriyle son bulmu\u015ftur. \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n yay\u0131lmas\u0131na ili\u015fkin anlat\u0131lar\u0131 bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede, \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n Halifeli\u011fin g\u00f6rkemli fetihleriyle b\u00f6lge halklar\u0131 aras\u0131nda yay\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve kafirleri yenilgiye u\u011fratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bi\u00e7imindedir. \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n sesinin b\u00fct\u00fcn bir b\u00f6lgede yank\u0131land\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ileri s\u00fcrmektedirler; bu yaz\u0131daki tarih ise, \u0130slamc\u0131larca ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclenlerin z\u0131tt\u0131 bir nitelik ta\u015f\u0131yan \u015fu soruyla ba\u015flamaktad\u0131r: \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n sesi Halifelik fetihleri boyunca b\u00f6lgede hi\u00e7 duyulmu\u015f mudur? E\u011fer bir ses var ise, bu sesin \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n ya da Muhammed\u2019in sesi olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6stermeyi ama\u00e7l\u0131yoruz.<\/p>\n

Ama sadece \u0130slamc\u0131lar\u0131n de\u011fil, \u00e7o\u011funlukla referans verilen kadim \u0130slam tarih\u00e7ilerinin \u201c\u0130slam nas\u0131l yay\u0131ld\u0131\u201d sorusuna yan\u0131tlar\u0131 da \u201c\u0130slam dininin fetihlerle yay\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131\u201d bi\u00e7imindeydi. Bununla birlikte, bu yan\u0131tlardan, daha erken tarihli olanlar\u0131 varsa da, \u00f6nemli bir k\u0131sm\u0131 fetihlerden yakla\u015f\u0131k y\u00fcz y\u0131l ve hatta iki y\u00fcz y\u0131l kadar sonras\u0131na aittir. Fetihlerin ard\u0131ndan olaylara ili\u015fkin anlat\u0131lar toplanarak yaz\u0131ya ge\u00e7irilmi\u015f, 9. ve 10. y\u00fczy\u0131llardaki tarih\u00e7ilerce de bu veriler g\u00f6zden ge\u00e7irilerek kullan\u0131lm\u0131\u015flard\u0131. Halifeli\u011fin \u00e7ok k\u0131sa s\u00fcrede \u00e7ok geni\u015f bir co\u011frafyay\u0131 ele ge\u00e7irdi\u011fi g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcne al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, Halifeli\u011fin co\u011frafi geni\u015flemesine \u0130slam dininin yay\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n e\u015flik etti\u011finin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclmesi ku\u015fkusuz erken tarihlerde do\u011fal kabul edilebilirdi. Ama bu ancak, \u0130slam kaynaklar\u0131n\u0131n g\u00fcvenilirli\u011finden \u015f\u00fcphe edilmedi\u011fi takdirde s\u00f6z konusudur.<\/p>\n

Kaynaklara dair \u015f\u00fcpheler ise 1970\u2019li y\u0131llardan sonra art\u0131\u015f g\u00f6stermi\u015ftir. Albrecht Noth, fetih anlat\u0131lar\u0131ndaki baz\u0131 b\u00f6l\u00fcmlerinin kal\u0131p d\u00fczeyinde birbirleriyle ayn\u0131 olduklar\u0131n\u0131, \u015fehirlerin nas\u0131l teslim olduklar\u0131na dair hikayelerin fazlas\u0131yla benzerlik g\u00f6sterdi\u011fini a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131yordu. Muhammed\u2019in hayat\u0131na dair hikayelerin dahi \u00f6nemli \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde tart\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 oldu\u011funu savunan Patricia Crone gibi tarih\u00e7iler de s\u00f6z konusuydu. Tarih\u00e7iler aras\u0131nda kadim kaynaklar\u0131n bizzat kendisi art\u0131k bir tart\u0131\u015fma konusu olmaya ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n

Bununla birlikte, 1970\u2019ler \u00f6ncesinde de kaynaklar konusunda \u00e7ekimser davranan tarih\u00e7ilerin oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yleyebiliriz. Julius Wellhausen\u2019dan s\u00f6z ediyoruz. Beklenebilece\u011fi \u00fczere, \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n nas\u0131l yay\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131na ili\u015fkin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi \u0130slam tarih\u00e7ilerininkiyle taban tabana z\u0131tt\u0131. \u0130slamiyet\u2019in Araplar\u0131n h\u0131zl\u0131 fetihleri yoluyla yay\u0131lmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ileri s\u00fcr\u00fcyordu. Daha \u00f6nemlisi, Wellhausen s\u00f6z konusu e\u015fitsiz geli\u015fmeyi g\u00f6zlemleyen \u00e7ok az say\u0131daki yazardan biri de\u011fildi. Grunebaum\u2019dan H. A. R. Gibb\u2019e, Vasily V. Barthold\u2019dan Patricia Crone\u2019a ya da Claude Cahen\u2019e kadar pek \u00e7ok yazar ve tarih\u00e7i, halifeli\u011fin co\u011frafi plandaki geni\u015flemesi ile \u0130slamiyet\u2019in yay\u0131lmas\u0131 aras\u0131nda bir paralellik bulunmad\u0131\u011f\u0131na dikkat \u00e7ekmi\u015flerdi.[1] \u0130slamiyet a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan b\u00f6yle midir, bunu bilemiyoruz ama tarih\u00e7ilik a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan bu g\u00f6zlemin heyecan uyand\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 oldu\u011funu teslim etmek zorunday\u0131z.<\/p>\n

Din de\u011fi\u015ftirenler<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

Arap fetihleri, bir paradoks gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnse de, \u00f6ncelikle \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n de\u011fil, heterodoks mezheplerin ve heterodoks H\u0131ristiyanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7arlar. Fetihler d\u00f6nemi boyunca, Araplar y\u00f6neten konumda olmalar\u0131na ra\u011fmen, dinleri egemen bir konuma y\u00fckselmez. Halifelik y\u0131llar\u0131 boyunca \u0130slamiyet yava\u015f ve as\u0131rlara yay\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir bi\u00e7imde taban bulur. Heterodoks mezhepler ve H\u0131ristiyanl\u0131k ise \u00e7ok k\u0131sa s\u00fcrelerde h\u0131zla mesafe kat ederler.<\/p>\n

Elbette bu olgu, s\u00f6z konusu dini ak\u0131mlar\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcndeki engellerin Sasaniler ile Bizans\u2019\u0131n Ortado\u011fu co\u011frafyas\u0131ndan \u00e7ekilmesiyle ortadan kalkt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclerek a\u00e7\u0131klanabilir. Ger\u00e7ekten de Sasaniler\u2019in y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131 ve Bizans\u2019\u0131n Toroslar\u2019a do\u011fru \u00e7ekilmesi ile Ortado\u011fu\u2019da heterodoks dinlerin kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda durabilecek bir ortodoks din kalmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131.[2] B\u00f6ylelikle Sasani b\u00f6lgesinde Maniheizm ve hetorodoks H\u0131ristiyanl\u0131k g\u00fc\u00e7lenirken, Suriye\u2019de Monofizitler ve M\u0131s\u0131r\u2019da H\u0131ristiyan heterodoksisi giderek sa\u011flam bir bi\u00e7imde yerle\u015fiyordu. \u0130slam hen\u00fcz sahnede g\u00f6r\u00fcnm\u00fcyordu. Y\u00f6netenlerin dini, y\u00f6netilenlerin dini kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda geri planda kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131; \u0130slam heterodoks mezheplerin ve H\u0131ristiyanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcnde baraj \u00f6rmekten \u00e7ok uzakt\u0131. Ama burada mesele farkl\u0131 bir bi\u00e7imde form\u00fcle edilebilir: \u0130slam di\u011fer dinler kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda baraj \u00f6rmek ve yay\u0131lmak istemi\u015f miydi, herhalde as\u0131l soru budur. B\u00f6ylelikle \u201ctebli\u011f\u201d tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 i\u00e7in ilk ad\u0131m\u0131 atm\u0131\u015f oluyoruz.<\/p>\n

\"\"
Hz. Muhammed ve ordusunu Uhud sava\u015f\u0131nda g\u00f6steren Siyer-i Nebi minyat\u00fcr\u00fc.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Irak ve \u0130ran co\u011frafyas\u0131nda Sasani Devleti\u2019nin \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnden ilk faydalananlar H\u0131ristiyan mezhepleri ve Maniheizm gibi ak\u0131mlar oldular. Araplar bu mezhepleri, ge\u00e7mi\u015fte onlar\u0131 yasaklayan b\u00f6lgenin eski resmi dininden ay\u0131rt etmemi\u015flerdi. Bu sayede heterodoksi yay\u0131lma \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne kavu\u015fuyordu. Bu sayede, elimizdeki bu bilgilere g\u00f6re, ne M\u0131s\u0131r\u2019da, ne de Suriye ve Mezopotamya\u2019da \u0130slamiyet \u00f6ncesi dinler, 10. ve 11. y\u00fczy\u0131llara kadar kayda de\u011fer bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcl\u00fc\u015f s\u00fcreci ya\u015fam\u0131yorlard\u0131. Zerd\u00fc\u015ft dini dahi, Sasanilerin \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnden pek fazla etkilenmemi\u015f, 10. y\u00fczy\u0131la de\u011fin \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n do\u011fusunda Zerd\u00fc\u015ft\u00e7\u00fcl\u00fck varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir bi\u00e7imde korumu\u015ftu.[3]<\/p>\n

Empires of Faith<\/em> \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131nda Peter Sarris de benzer bir noktay\u0131 ele al\u0131yordu. Halifeli\u011fin egemenli\u011findeki M\u0131s\u0131r\u2019\u0131n bir \u0130slam toplumundan \u00e7ok, bir t\u00fcr K\u0131pti H\u0131ristiyan teokrasisine benzedi\u011fini ileri s\u00fcrmektedir. Sarris\u2019e g\u00f6re, M\u0131s\u0131r ve Irak\u2019taki M\u00fcsl\u00fcman egemenli\u011fi, beklenenin aksine, g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc piskoposlar anlam\u0131na gelmekteydi.[4] Egemenlik alt\u0131na al\u0131nan halklar\u0131n din de\u011fi\u015ftirmeleri Araplar a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan bir \u00f6ncelik ta\u015f\u0131m\u0131yordu, egemenlik alt\u0131na al\u0131nan n\u00fcfusun Arap d\u00fczenine yabanc\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmamas\u0131 Halifelik a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u00e7ok daha \u00f6nemliydi. Sarris, \u00d6mer\u2019in agresif bir \u0130slami unvan yerine nispeten belirsiz bir unvan\u0131, \u201cemiru\u2019l-m\u00fcmin\u00een\u201d unvan\u0131n\u0131 tercih etmesini de bu noktaya, yeni fethedilen b\u00f6lgelerdeki halklar\u0131n yabanl\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmamas\u0131 gereklili\u011fine ba\u011flamaktad\u0131r.[5]<\/p>\n

Ama farkl\u0131 dinleri kabullenmek ile teban\u0131n din de\u011fi\u015ftirmesini sa\u011flamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmamak b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle birbirinden ayr\u0131 hallerdir ve bunun tespitini Claude Cahen\u2019de bulabiliyoruz. Socio-Economic History and Islamic Studies<\/em> ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 makalesinde Cahen, M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlarda Arap olmayanlar\u0131 din de\u011fi\u015ftirtmeye y\u00f6nelik herhangi bir \u00e7aban\u0131n g\u00f6r\u00fclmedi\u011fini yaz\u0131yordu ki, bu ifadenin, \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n baraj niteli\u011fi ta\u015f\u0131mamas\u0131 sorunundan \u00f6te bir olguya i\u015faret etti\u011fini anlayabiliyoruz.[6] \u0130slam tarihine ili\u015fkin literat\u00fcr\u00fcn neredeyse oda\u011f\u0131nda yer alan Julius Wellhausen ise ihtidalar konusunda di\u011fer yazarlara k\u0131yasla \u00e7ok daha a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r. Wellhausen gayr\u0131 Araplar\u0131n ihtidaya zorlanmamak bir yana, onlardan istenenin t\u00fcm\u00fcyle farkl\u0131 oldu\u011fu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesindeydi. Ona g\u00f6re, \u201chakikatte ilk anda derpi\u015f edilen cihet, bunlar\u0131n eski dinlerinde \u0131srar etmeleri idi.\u201d[7] Tam da bu nedenle Araplar fethettikleri topraklarda halk\u0131 din de\u011fi\u015ftirmeye \u00f6zendirmiyorlard\u0131.[8] \u201c\u0130slam\u2019\u0131n savunucular\u0131, kafirlerin \u0130slamiyet\u2019e girmelerinden ziyade onlara boyun e\u011fdirilmesi<\/strong> ile\u201d[9] ilgilenmi\u015flerdi. \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n tebli\u011fi Halifelik a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u00f6n planda de\u011fildi.<\/p>\n

Ama Halifelik y\u00f6netimleri bununla da yetinmemi\u015flerdi. Halifeler erken d\u00f6nem \u0130slam tarihinde M\u00fcsl\u00fcman olmayanlar\u0131n \u0130slam\u2019a ge\u00e7i\u015fini zorla\u015ft\u0131ran kararlar dahi alabiliyorlard\u0131. \u00d6rne\u011fin, 7. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n sonlar\u0131nda ve 8. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015flar\u0131nda, \u00f6dedikleri vergilerle Araplar\u0131n ge\u00e7imini sa\u011flayan gayrim\u00fcslim ahalinin, ba\u015fka deyi\u015fle k\u00f6yl\u00fclerin, topraklar\u0131n\u0131 b\u0131rakmalar\u0131 ve M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanl\u0131\u011fa ge\u00e7meleri engellenebiliyordu. Bunun temel nedeni ku\u015fkusuz ekonomikti. Araplara konulmu\u015f \u00e7ift\u00e7ilik yasa\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bahane eden k\u00f6yl\u00fclerin M\u00fcsl\u00fcman olarak topraklar\u0131n\u0131 bo\u015faltmalar\u0131 istenmiyordu. Topra\u011f\u0131n\u0131 b\u0131rak\u0131p \u015fehre gelen ve M\u00fcsl\u00fcman olmak isteyen k\u00f6yl\u00fcler tekrar topraklar\u0131na ve eski dinlerine iade ediliyorlard\u0131.[10] \u00d6yleyse burada da \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n tebli\u011finde eksiklik oldu\u011funu g\u00f6rebiliyoruz.<\/p>\n

\"\"
Fetih \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n\u0131n Araplar\u0131 hen\u00fcz kabile niteliklerini koruyor ve kabile hukuku \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde
hareket ediyorlard\u0131.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Tam da bu nedenle, fethedilen b\u00f6lgelerde halk\u0131n \u0130slam\u2019a ge\u00e7i\u015f s\u00fcreci son derece yava\u015f seyretmi\u015fti. Rus tarih\u00e7i E. A. Belyaev de, erken \u0130slam fetihleri d\u00f6neminde kitlesel din de\u011fi\u015ftirmelerin oldu\u011fu iddias\u0131n\u0131 sadece b\u00fcy\u00fck bir abart\u0131dan ibaret saymaktad\u0131r; b\u00f6ylece \u0130slam tarihi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u0130slam kaynaklar\u0131n\u0131n g\u00fcvenilirli\u011fi sorunu tekrar kar\u015f\u0131m\u0131za \u00e7\u0131kmaktad\u0131r. Belyaev\u2019e g\u00f6re \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n yay\u0131lmas\u0131 \u00e7ok uzun bir zamanda ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmi\u015fti. \u00c7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131nda 9. y\u00fczy\u0131lda M\u0131s\u0131r halk\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7ok b\u00fcy\u00fck bir \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funun h\u00e2l\u00e2 H\u0131ristiyan oldu\u011fu bilgisi de yer al\u0131yor.[11] Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan Belyaev\u2019in d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi, Peter Sarris\u2019e ait, M\u0131s\u0131r\u2019\u0131n K\u0131pti-H\u0131ristiyan bir teokrasiye benzedi\u011fi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesiyle ayn\u0131 niteliktedir. Claude Cahen de Belyaev gibi, \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n \u00e7ocukluk d\u00f6neminde \u0130slam\u2019a ge\u00e7i\u015flerin \u00e7ok nadir oldu\u011funu yaz\u0131yordu.[12] Herhalde tebli\u011f eksikli\u011finde din de\u011fi\u015ftirme prati\u011fi de eksik kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Halifelik bu erken d\u00f6neminde \u0130slam\u2019dan \u00e7ok heterodoksinin i\u015fine yar\u0131yor ve \u0130slam d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki dinlerin alan\u0131n\u0131 geni\u015fletiyordu. Arap-\u0130slam fetihleri, \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n yay\u0131lmas\u0131yla sonu\u00e7lanm\u0131yordu.<\/p>\n

Ama \u0130slam\u2019a ge\u00e7mek isteyen k\u00f6yl\u00fcler sadece Halifelik y\u00f6netiminin \u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc duvara \u00e7arpmad\u0131lar. Arap kabile d\u00fczeni de Arap olmayanlar\u0131n ve M\u00fcsl\u00fcman olmayanlar\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcnde bir engel olarak y\u00fckseldi. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc Arap toplumunun geli\u015fme d\u00fczeyinin bizzat kendisi \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n yay\u0131lmas\u0131 \u00f6n\u00fcndeki engellerden birini te\u015fkil ediyordu.<\/p>\n

Fetih \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n\u0131n Araplar\u0131 hen\u00fcz kabile niteliklerini koruyor ve kabile hukuku \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde hareket ediyorlard\u0131. Bunun toplumsal d\u00fczeydeki sonucu, bir ki\u015finin ancak bir kabilenin \u00fcyesi oldu\u011fu takdirde di\u011fer kabilelerce kabul ve sayg\u0131 g\u00f6rece\u011fiydi. \u0130slam bu kabile alt yap\u0131s\u0131 \u00fczerinde y\u00fckselmi\u015fti. Bu nedenle bir gayrim\u00fcslimin M\u00fcsl\u00fcman toplulu\u011funun bir \u00fcyesi olabilmesi i\u00e7in Arap kabilelerinden birine kabul edilmesi gerekiyordu. Bir bak\u0131ma M\u00fcsl\u00fcman topluma \u00fcyelik hakk\u0131 Arap kabile d\u00fczeninin s\u00fczgecinden ge\u00e7me \u015fart\u0131na ba\u011flanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bug\u00fcnk\u00fcnden farkl\u0131 olarak, M\u00fcsl\u00fcman olmak isteyen herhangi bir gayrim\u00fcslim bunu kendi iradesi \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde icra edemiyordu. Bu da, hi\u00e7 \u015f\u00fcphe yok ki, \u0130slam\u2019a ge\u00e7i\u015fin \u00f6nemli \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde k\u0131s\u0131tlanmas\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelmekteydi. Bununla birlikte, bu durum ayn\u0131 zamanda, \u0130slam\u2019a ge\u00e7i\u015fte kabilelere bir \u201cse\u00e7me\u201d hakk\u0131 da tan\u0131yordu. Kabile d\u00fczeni sanki bir t\u00fcr osmotik zard\u0131. \u0130\u00e7eriye al\u0131nabilecek unsurlar ile al\u0131namayacaklar\u0131 h\u0131zl\u0131 bir bi\u00e7imde birbirinden ayr\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131yordu. Erken d\u00f6nem \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n\u0131n bu a\u00e7\u0131dan, evrensellikten \u00e7ok se\u00e7mecilik i\u00e7erdi\u011fini s\u00f6yleyebiliriz.<\/p>\n

Tarih\u00e7ilerin \u00f6nemli bir k\u0131sm\u0131 \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n bu niteli\u011fi dolay\u0131s\u0131yla \u201cArap\u201d niteli\u011fi ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ileri s\u00fcrmektedir; oysa s\u00f6z konusu se\u00e7mecilik tam tersi bir sonu\u00e7 \u00fcretmi\u015ftir. \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n fethedilen toplumun \u00fcyelerinden hangilerine a\u00e7\u0131k oldu\u011fu, kabilelerin ve halifelik y\u00f6netiminin karar\u0131na tabiydi; ama bu nitelik, fethedilen toplumun sundu\u011fu se\u00e7enekler aras\u0131nda bir tercih yap\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 gerektiriyordu. G\u00f6\u00e7ebe Araplar\u0131n tercihi ise, hemen her durumda, fethedilen toplumun s\u0131n\u0131f yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n korunmas\u0131n\u0131 temel al\u0131yordu. Vergi gelirlerinin ve d\u00fczenin devaml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n sa\u011flanmas\u0131, verili toplumda y\u00f6netenlerin de\u011fi\u015ftirilmemesi tercihini i\u00e7eriyordu. Bu da halifeli\u011fin y\u00f6neten s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n\u0131n Arap niteliklerinin zamanla giderek azalmas\u0131, ba\u015fka deyi\u015fle fethedilen topraklar\u0131n\u0131n egemen s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131yla uzla\u015f\u0131ya gidilmesi anlam\u0131na gelecekti. Nitekim egemenlikleri \u00e7ok uzun s\u00fcrmemi\u015fti. Patricia Crone Arap \u201ckast\u0131n\u0131n\u201d egemenli\u011finin en fazla bir y\u00fczy\u0131l devam edebildi\u011fi iddias\u0131ndad\u0131r; Abbasi d\u00fczeninin g\u00fcn \u0131\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131na \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131yla Arap egemenli\u011finin sonunun geldi\u011fini savunuyordu.[13]<\/p>\n

Ku\u015fkusuz s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131 daha erken bir evreye \u00e7ekmek de m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. Araplar hen\u00fcz fetihlerin hemen ba\u015f\u0131nda yerel unsurlar\u0131 kendi i\u00e7lerine alm\u0131\u015flard\u0131. Tarih\u00e7iler her ne kadar Araplar\u0131n sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 koruma kayg\u0131s\u0131yla yerel halkla kar\u0131\u015fmama siyaseti izlediklerini ileri s\u00fcrseler de, fetihlerin hemen ba\u015f\u0131nda Sasani ordusu elit birliklerini Halifelik ordular\u0131na dahil ettikleri bilinen bir ger\u00e7ektir. Nitekim in\u015fa ettikleri garnizon \u015fehirlerde, Araplar d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki yerel n\u00fcfus da yer al\u0131yordu. Bu anlamda Arap d\u00fczeninin Arap niteli\u011finin y\u00f6netimde kald\u0131klar\u0131 her g\u00fcn daha da azald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6ylemek yanl\u0131\u015f olmayacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Ama Arap y\u00f6netimine se\u00e7ilenler kimlerdi; esas mesele budur. K\u00f6yl\u00fcler bu a\u00e7\u0131dan pek \u015fansl\u0131 de\u011fillerdi. Din de\u011fi\u015ftirmeleri, M\u00fcsl\u00fcman olmak amac\u0131yla topraklar\u0131n\u0131 terk etmeleri engellenebiliyordu. Vergi ve \u00fcretim d\u00fczeninin temelini te\u015fkil eden k\u00f6yl\u00fclerin ve k\u00f6lelerin ba\u015fka bir dinin mensuplar\u0131 olarak kalmalar\u0131n\u0131n istenmesi, Arap toplumunun kabile d\u00fczeniyle \u00fcst \u00fcste binen Halifeli\u011fin ekonomik mant\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131rd\u0131r; \u00f6nemli \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen de buydu.[14] Kitlesel d\u00fczeyde \u0130slam\u2019a ge\u00e7i\u015f ancak k\u00f6yl\u00fclerin din de\u011fi\u015ftirmeleri ile m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fc ve bunun ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmedi\u011fini art\u0131k biliyoruz. \u0130slam tarihinin en \u00f6nemli ara\u015ft\u0131rmac\u0131lar\u0131ndan Barthold ise bilgilerimize Arap dilinin yay\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n da Halifelik\u00e7e istenmedi\u011fini ve d\u00f6nem d\u00f6nem H\u0131ristiyanlar\u0131n Arap\u00e7a konu\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n dahi yasakland\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ekliyor.[15] T\u00fcm bunlar \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n yay\u0131lmas\u0131ndaki yava\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n nedenlerini tart\u0131\u015fabilmek a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan bir zemin sunmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

\"\"Fetihlerin s\u0131n\u0131fsal boyutu<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u0130slam konusunda k\u00f6yl\u00fcler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan ge\u00e7erli olan, fethedilen topraklardaki y\u00fcksek s\u0131n\u0131flar i\u00e7in de ge\u00e7erli miydi? \u0130slam toplumundaki vergi d\u00fczenlemelerini inceledi\u011fi Conversion and The Poll Tax In Early Islam<\/em> \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131nda Daniel C. Dennet, Emeviler d\u00f6nemine dek k\u00f6yl\u00fclerin din de\u011fi\u015ftirdiklerine dair herhangi bir kan\u0131t olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yledikten sonra, \u00fcst s\u0131n\u0131flar i\u00e7in bu tablonun farkl\u0131 oldu\u011funu ileri s\u00fcr\u00fcyordu. Dennet \u015fu bilgileri veriyor: \u00d6mer devrinde Celula Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan \u0130ran toplumunun \u00fcst s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n\u0131 te\u015fkil eden kesimlerden biri olan dihkanlardan baz\u0131lar\u0131 Araplara kat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ve \u0130slam\u2019\u0131 benimsemi\u015flerdi. \u0130sfahan\u2019da da kimi dihkanlar\u0131n yine \u0130slam\u2019\u0131 benimsediklerini Dennet kaydediyor.[16] Daniel C. Dennet, k\u00f6yl\u00fcler ile \u0130ran aristokratlar\u0131n\u0131n \u0130slam\u2019a y\u00f6nelik bu farkl\u0131 yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n Sasani toplumsal d\u00fczeninden ve bu d\u00fczenin damgas\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131yan vergi d\u00fczenlemelerinden kaynakland\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesindeydi.<\/p>\n

Sasani sisteminde ayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131flar cizyeden -T\u00fcrk\u00e7e ifadesiyle ba\u015f vergisi- muaft\u0131lar; cizye bir t\u00fcr al\u00e7alma olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyordu. Y\u00f6netici hanedan ile en \u00fcst yedi ailenin d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda, aristokratlar, askerler, rahipler, b\u00fcrokratlar ve kral\u0131n hizmetindekiler cizye \u00f6demiyorlard\u0131. Ayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131flar ile y\u00f6netilenler aras\u0131nda ise kat\u0131 bir ayr\u0131m yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Y\u00f6netilenler, teoride, imparatorluk ve dini hizmetlere kat\u0131lamad\u0131klar\u0131 i\u00e7in, bunu telafi amac\u0131yla vergi \u00f6demek zorundayd\u0131lar; cizye bunun i\u00e7in al\u0131n\u0131yordu ve toplumsal y\u00f6nden alt d\u00fczeyde olman\u0131n bir i\u015fareti say\u0131l\u0131yordu.[17] Arap fetihleri sonras\u0131nda Sasani d\u00fczeninin \u00fcst s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131, hilafet d\u00fczeninin kendi bi\u00e7imleni\u015fi dolay\u0131s\u0131yla -M\u00fcsl\u00fcman olmayanlardan cizye al\u0131nmas\u0131 kural\u0131 gere\u011fi- bu vergiden muaf say\u0131lmad\u0131lar. Dennet \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131nda, Sasani d\u00fczeninde cizye verenlerin \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli bir k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131n Hilafet d\u00fczeninde de cizye vermeye devam ettiklerini; Sasani d\u00fczeninde cizye vermeyenlerin ise, bir a\u015fa\u011f\u0131lanma olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fckleri cizyeyi vermemek ad\u0131na M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 kabul ettiklerini yazmaktad\u0131r.[18] Bununla birlikte, Dennet\u2019in \u00e7izdi\u011fi bu tabloda \u0130ran aristokratlar\u0131n\u0131n \u0130slam\u2019a ge\u00e7i\u015flerinde etkin olan, \u0130slam dininden \u00e7ok, Sasani k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc olmaktad\u0131r. \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n bir cezbedicili\u011fi varsa da, ikincildi.<\/p>\n

Ama eklenecekler var ve g\u00f6\u00e7ebe toplumlar\u0131 i\u00e7in tipik bir nokta ile ba\u015flamak, Arap fetihlerinin s\u0131n\u0131fsal boyutunu resmetmek a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u00f6nemlidir. D\u00f6nem tarihi \u00fczerine yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015f pek \u00e7ok \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmada, Araplar\u0131n fethettikleri toplumlar\u0131n verili d\u00fczenini de\u011fi\u015ftirmek istemedikleri vurgulan\u0131yor. M. A. Shaban\u2019\u0131n, Islamic History<\/em> kitab\u0131nda, Arap prati\u011fini \u2018m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olan en az de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fi yapmak\u2019 bi\u00e7iminde tasvir etmesi bu a\u00e7\u0131dan sebepsiz de\u011fildir.[19] M\u0131s\u0131r\u2019daki toprak sahipli\u011fi d\u00fczeni herhangi bir de\u011fi\u015fiklik olmadan fetih sonras\u0131nda da devam ediyordu. Shaban, Greklerin yerini Araplar\u0131n almas\u0131 d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda, M\u0131s\u0131r\u2019daki h\u00fck\u00fcmet d\u00fczeninin ve sosyal d\u00fczenin fetih \u00f6ncesiyle tamam\u0131yla ayn\u0131 oldu\u011funu ileri s\u00fcrmektedir. Eski devrin vergi tahsildarlar\u0131 da yerlerinde b\u0131rak\u0131lm\u0131\u015flard\u0131.[20]<\/p>\n

Belyaev ise daha \u00f6nce ad\u0131 an\u0131lan \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131nda, Araplar\u0131n fethettikleri toplumlar\u0131n sosyo-ekonomik d\u00fczenine dokunmaman\u0131n yan\u0131nda, yerel y\u00f6netimi ve vergi te\u015fkilat\u0131n\u0131 da de\u011fi\u015ftirmeden b\u0131rakt\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 kaydediyor.[21] Fatihler dihkanlar\u0131n topraklar\u0131n\u0131, haklar\u0131n\u0131 ve ayr\u0131cal\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131, girdikleri b\u00f6lgelerde tan\u0131yorlard\u0131. Belyaev\u2019e g\u00f6re, toplumsal yap\u0131 bak\u0131m\u0131ndan hi\u00e7bir \u015fey de\u011fi\u015fmemi\u015fti, \u201cnothing was changed\u201d; tek de\u011fi\u015fiklik, toplanan harac\u0131n art\u0131k Sasani hazinesi yerine M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlara veriliyor olmas\u0131yd\u0131.[22]<\/p>\n

Araplar Sasani b\u00f6lgesindeki vergi d\u00fczenlemelerini de t\u00fcm\u00fcyle korumu\u015flard\u0131; ama koruduklar\u0131 sadece toprak d\u00fczeni de\u011fildi, verginin toplanmas\u0131yla g\u00f6revli olan kesimleri de ayn\u0131 g\u00f6revlerde tutmaya devam ediyorlard\u0131. \u00d6yle ki, vergi toplama g\u00f6revi, t\u0131pk\u0131 Sasanilerdeki gibi, b\u00f6lgenin \u00fcst s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131na emanet edilmi\u015fti. Ayn\u0131 durum Suriye b\u00f6lgesi i\u00e7in de ge\u00e7erlidir; burada ise Bizans vergi d\u00fczenlemeleri korunuyordu. Gayrim\u00fcslimler Bizans sistemine g\u00f6re vergilerini veriyorlard\u0131; vergi memurlar\u0131 da yerlerinde kalm\u0131\u015flard\u0131.[23] Halifelik d\u00fczeninde vergi ve y\u00f6netim i\u015fleri, ele ge\u00e7irilen b\u00f6lgenin eski y\u00f6netim ayg\u0131t\u0131nda g\u00f6revli isimlere verilmi\u015fti. Y\u00f6netilenler Sasani ve Grek egemenli\u011finden \u00e7\u0131k\u0131p Arap egemenli\u011fine uyand\u0131klar\u0131nda, vergi h\u00e2l\u00e2 eski vergi ve tahsildar h\u00e2l\u00e2 eski tahsildard\u0131.<\/p>\n

Halifelik, nispi olarak k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ve askeri nitelikli bir az\u0131nl\u0131k ile, say\u0131lar\u0131 en fazla be\u015f y\u00fcz bini buluyordu, milyonluk n\u00fcfusa sahip Arap olmayan b\u00f6lgeleri fethetmi\u015f bulunuyordu. Bu yeni topraklar\u0131 y\u00f6netebilmek i\u00e7in ise yerel n\u00fcfusun \u00fcst tabakalar\u0131na muhta\u00e7t\u0131; fetih asl\u0131nda sadece Arap n\u00fcfustan kar\u015f\u0131lanamayacak bu ihtiyac\u0131n kap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131yordu. Ama Araplar\u0131n yerel y\u00f6neticilere muhta\u00e7 olmalar\u0131n\u0131n nedeni sadece az\u0131nl\u0131k olmalar\u0131 de\u011fildir. Devlet y\u00f6netme ehliyetine sahip yeti\u015fmi\u015f kadrolar\u0131 da bulunmuyordu; bu gerilikleri onlar\u0131 girilen b\u00f6lgenin yeti\u015fmi\u015f y\u00f6netici kadrosuna mahkum ediyordu.[24]<\/p>\n

\"\"
G\u00f6\u00e7ebe Araplar\u0131n tercihi, hemen her durumda, fethedilen
toplumun s\u0131n\u0131f yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n korunmas\u0131n\u0131 temel al\u0131yordu.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Araplar b\u00fct\u00fcn mesleki u\u011fra\u015flarda -entelekt\u00fcel \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar, mimari, t\u0131p, katiplik, topraklar\u0131n y\u00f6netimi, sulama i\u015fleri, vergi d\u00fczenlemeleri gibi alanlarda- H\u0131ristiyanlara, S\u00fcryanilere, Yahudilere ve Zerd\u00fc\u015ftlere ihtiya\u00e7 duyuyorlard\u0131. Tam da bu nedenle Grek\u00e7e, Aramice ve Pehlevice uzun y\u0131llar boyunca y\u00f6netim ayg\u0131t\u0131nda ve mali i\u015flerin d\u00fczenlenmesinde yegane ge\u00e7erli diller olarak kalmaya devam etti. Halifelik yeti\u015fmi\u015f kadrolar\u0131 ancak bu dilleri bilen yerel n\u00fcfus i\u00e7erisinde bulabiliyordu. Wellhausen da bu noktay\u0131 kabul ederek \u015funlar\u0131 ileri s\u00fcrer: \u201c\u2026 i\u015flerin y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcl\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnde pek az de\u011fi\u015fiklik mevcut idi. Hakimiyet el de\u011fi\u015ftirmi\u015fti fakat \u2026 Araplar\u0131n idaresi maliyeye m\u00fcnhas\u0131r kal\u0131yordu, divanlar\u0131 bir hesap divan\u0131ndan ibaretti. Grek ve \u0130ranl\u0131 katipleri muhafaza ettiler, bunlar malik olduklar\u0131 yegane tetkik memurlar\u0131 idi.\u201d[25] Y\u00f6netimde ve mali faaliyetlerde Arap\u00e7an\u0131n kullan\u0131lmas\u0131na karar verildi\u011finde dahi Arap\u00e7ay\u0131 iyi bilen y\u00f6netim ayg\u0131t\u0131ndaki bu memurlar yerlerini \u00f6nemli \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde korudular.[26]<\/p>\n

Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla asl\u0131nda ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen, yerel n\u00fcfusun \u00fcst kadrolar\u0131n\u0131n Araplarca se\u00e7ilmelerinden \u00e7ok, fethedilen b\u00f6lgenin s\u0131n\u0131fsal yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n ve toplumsal i\u015fleyi\u015finin gerekliklerine Araplar\u0131n uymak zorunda kalmalar\u0131ndan ibarettir. Tam da bu nedenle Peter Sarris Araplar\u0131n getirdi\u011fi yeni d\u00fcnya d\u00fczeninin \u00f6nemli \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde eskisine benzedi\u011fini (\u201cthe new world order looked remarkably like the old\u201d) yaz\u0131yordu. Halifelik d\u00fczeninin eski Roma topraklar\u0131nda ikincil bir Roma-Arap \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu ve Sasani b\u00f6lgelerinde ise ikincil bir Sasani-Arap \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu kurdu\u011funu ileri s\u00fcr\u00fcyordu.[27] Arap fetihleri sonras\u0131nda Halifelik d\u00fczeni ve Bizans-Sasani d\u00fczeni ile \u00fcst s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131 i\u00e7 i\u00e7e girmi\u015flerdi. Yeni topraklar\u0131n fethi \u00f6nce \u00fcst s\u0131n\u0131flar aras\u0131nda bir b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fmeyi gerektiriyordu. \u0130slam bu temelin \u00fczerinde y\u00fckselecekti.<\/p>\n

Claude Cahen y\u00f6netenler ile y\u00f6netilenler aras\u0131ndaki kat\u0131 ayr\u0131m\u0131n vergiler y\u00f6n\u00fcnden bir ba\u015fka ve\u00e7hesine daha i\u015faret eder. K\u00f6yl\u00fclerin M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanla\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131 bizzat vergi toplamakla y\u00fck\u00fcml\u00fc olan Grek ve \u0130ran \u00fcst s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n\u0131n istemediklerini yaz\u0131yordu. Cahen, vergilerin toplanmas\u0131ndan sorumlu olan yerel aristokrasinin mali d\u00fczenin aksamas\u0131na yol a\u00e7abilece\u011fi endi\u015fesi ile \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n k\u00f6yl\u00fcler aras\u0131nda yay\u0131lmas\u0131ndan rahats\u0131zl\u0131k duydu\u011fu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesindedir. Bu rahats\u0131zl\u0131k M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131n gayri M\u00fcslimlere g\u00f6re toplamda daha az vergi \u00f6demelerinden kaynaklan\u0131yordu. S\u00f6z konusu endi\u015fenin yerel aristokrasinin toplad\u0131\u011f\u0131 vergi gelirlerden hara\u00e7 alan Arap y\u00f6neticileri taraf\u0131ndan payla\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 da Cahen \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131nda not ediyor.[28] Demek ki mesele, k\u00f6yl\u00fclerin eski d\u00fczende cizye vermeye al\u0131\u015fk\u0131n olmalar\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6tesindedir. \u0130slam bir \u00fcst s\u0131n\u0131f dini olarak kuruluyor ve yay\u0131lma gere\u011fi duymuyordu. B\u00f6ylelikle tebli\u011f eksikli\u011fi meselesine geri d\u00f6nm\u00fc\u015f oluyoruz.<\/p>\n

Cihat yolunda ya\u011fma<\/strong><\/p>\n

Tebli\u011f eksikli\u011fi cihat ile kapat\u0131labilir mi? \u00c7o\u011funlu\u011fun pek az say\u0131daki d\u00fc\u015fmana ya da az\u0131nl\u0131\u011fa kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015f ilan etmesi halinde, bunun teorik planda m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olaca\u011f\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclebilir. Ama \u0130slam \u00f6zelinde az\u0131nl\u0131k ile \u00e7o\u011funluk yer de\u011fi\u015ftirmektedir. \u0130slam fatihleri, Araplar, bizzat kendilerinin az\u0131nl\u0131k olduklar\u0131 bir co\u011frafyada sava\u015f y\u00fcr\u00fctmek zorundayd\u0131lar. Ne \u0130ran ve Suriye\u2019de, ne de M\u0131s\u0131r\u2019da \u00e7o\u011funluktular. Say\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n toplamda be\u015f y\u00fcz binler civar\u0131nda oldu\u011fu konusunda tarih\u00e7iler uzla\u015f\u0131yorlar. Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan Halifeli\u011fin fetihleri bir az\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu fethetmesi bi\u00e7iminde ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmi\u015fti; bu da dinsel ilkelerin esnetilmesini zorunlu k\u0131l\u0131yordu. \u0130slam hak dinler olarak sadece H\u0131ristiyanl\u0131k ve Yahudili\u011fi kabul etti\u011fi halde, Araplar \u0130ran co\u011frafyas\u0131na girdiklerinde H\u0131ristiyanlar konusunda ald\u0131klar\u0131 tavr\u0131 Zerd\u00fc\u015ftler \u00f6zelinde de almak zorunda kal\u0131yorlard\u0131. Zerd\u00fc\u015ftler cizye \u00f6dedikleri takdirde ibadethanelerini ve inan\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 koruyabilmi\u015flerdi. Ama bu meselenin sadece bir yan\u0131d\u0131r. \u0130ran etkisi \u00e7ok daha derinlere de uzan\u0131yordu. K\u0131sa bir bi\u00e7imde ifade edilirse, \u015fu s\u00f6ylenebilir: Abbasi devleti ve halifeleri \u00f6nemli \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde Zerd\u00fc\u015ft k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn etkilerini de ta\u015f\u0131yorlard\u0131.[29] Cihat kurallar\u0131 ve Kuran<\/em> ilkeleri, g\u00f6r\u00fcnen o ki, \u0130ran topraklar\u0131nda ve Zerd\u00fc\u015ftler \u00f6zelinde bir kenara b\u0131rak\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n

Ama belki de T\u00fcrk tarih\u00e7ili\u011fi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan as\u0131l tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 gereken, tarihin herhangi bir an\u0131nda bir cihat faaliyetinin var olup olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. Doktrin bak\u0131m\u0131ndan cihat, putperest g\u00f6\u00e7ebe prati\u011finden, g\u00f6\u00e7ebe kabilelerin birbirlerinin zenginliklerine el koymak amac\u0131yla yapt\u0131klar\u0131 bask\u0131nlardan kaynaklan\u0131r.[30] Ad\u0131na gaza ya da gazve denilen bu bask\u0131nlar cihad\u0131n ilk \u00f6rnekleri olarak d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclebilir.<\/p>\n

Tar\u0131msal \u00fcretime pek izin vermeyen Arabistan co\u011frafyas\u0131 Arap kabilelerini ya\u011fmac\u0131 bir yola itmi\u015fti. Araplar ya\u011fmac\u0131yd\u0131lar \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc her kabilenin \u00f6n\u00fcnde sadece iki yol uzan\u0131yordu: ticaret ve ya\u011fma. G\u00f6\u00e7ebe ya\u015fam\u0131 \u00fcretim y\u00f6n\u00fcnden kendine yeterli de\u011fildi. Bu nedenle g\u00f6\u00e7ebe kabileleri kendi b\u00f6lgeleri d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda bir zenginlik kayna\u011f\u0131na da ihtiya\u00e7 duyuyorlard\u0131. Silahlar\u0131n\u0131 ve ihtiya\u00e7 duyduklar\u0131 di\u011fer \u00fcr\u00fcnleri d\u0131\u015far\u0131dan temin etmek durumundayd\u0131lar. Yerle\u015fik b\u00f6lgelere yak\u0131n ya\u015fayanlar i\u00e7in bunu yapmak belki m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fc ama daha uzak b\u00f6lgelerdekiler, bu ya\u015famsal ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131 birbirlerinden temin etmek zorundayd\u0131lar ki, bu da kabilelerin birbirlerini ya\u011fmalamalar\u0131 anlam\u0131na geliyordu.[31] Yerle\u015fik n\u00fcfusun yak\u0131n\u0131ndaki g\u00f6\u00e7ebeler i\u00e7in ticaret yolu a\u00e7\u0131k olsa dahi, bu hal sorunlar\u0131 yine de ortadan kald\u0131rm\u0131yordu; g\u00f6\u00e7ebe \u00fcretiminin yerle\u015fik n\u00fcfusa sunabilece\u011fi \u00fcr\u00fcn miktar\u0131 ve \u00e7e\u015fitlili\u011fi azd\u0131. \u00dcretimlerinin yeterli olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 da g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcne ald\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda, yetersizli\u011fin ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 yerde ticaretin bitip ya\u011fman\u0131n ba\u015flayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ng\u00f6rebiliriz. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc hastal\u0131k vb. hallerde \u00fcretimlerinin ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131lama ihtimali ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla pazara sunabilecekleri emtia miktar\u0131 azal\u0131yordu. G\u00f6\u00e7ebelerin birbirlerine ya da askeri a\u00e7\u0131dan g\u00fc\u00e7s\u00fcz yerle\u015fik kavimlere ve kervanlara y\u00f6nelik ya\u011fma, gaza faaliyetlerinin k\u00f6keninde dinsel gerek\u00e7elerden \u00e7ok, g\u00f6\u00e7ebe ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131n \u00fcretim y\u00f6n\u00fcnden bu zay\u0131fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 yatmaktad\u0131r.[32]<\/p>\n

Ama Arabistan\u2019da s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 olan, daha \u00f6nce de\u011findi\u011fimiz \u00fczere, sadece g\u00f6\u00e7ebe \u00fcretimi de\u011fildi, tar\u0131msal \u00fcretim de s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131yd\u0131. Mekke \u00e7evresinde tar\u0131m yapman\u0131n m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 tarih\u00e7ilerce s\u0131k\u00e7a dile getirilmi\u015ftir. \u00d6zellikle 570\u2019de Marib baraj\u0131n\u0131n y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131 ve onar\u0131lamamas\u0131 verimli topraklar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nemli bir k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131n kaybedilmesine de yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131.[33] Tar\u0131msal yetersizlik nedeniyle Arap kabileleri ve \u00f6zellikle Mekke i\u00e7in ticaret bir l\u00fcks de\u011fil, ya\u015famsal bir ihtiya\u00e7t\u0131;[34] parf\u00fcm ya da hayvansal \u00fcr\u00fcnlerin yerine tar\u0131msal \u00fcr\u00fcnler alabilmeleri gerekiyordu. Tam bu nedenle ticaret kervanlar\u0131n\u0131n g\u00fczergah\u0131nda baharat, koku ya da hayvansal \u00fcr\u00fcnler kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131nda tar\u0131msal \u00fcr\u00fcn ve \u015farap ald\u0131klar\u0131 Suriye yer al\u0131yordu. Kervan hatt\u0131 bir tar\u0131m b\u00f6lgesi olan Yemen\u2019den ba\u015fl\u0131yor ve Suriye\u2019de sona eriyordu. Aradaki b\u00f6lge ise Mekke\u2019nin ticari egemenlik alan\u0131n\u0131 ya da Mekke t\u00fcccarlar\u0131n\u0131n g\u00f6z koyduklar\u0131 ticaret g\u00fczergah\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturuyordu.<\/p>\n

\"\"
G\u00f6\u00e7ebe ya\u015fam\u0131 \u00fcretim y\u00f6n\u00fcnden kendine yeterli de\u011fildi. Bu nedenle g\u00f6\u00e7ebe kabileleri kendi b\u00f6lgeleri d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda bir zenginlik kayna\u011f\u0131na da ihtiya\u00e7 duyuyordu.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

G\u00f6\u00e7ebeler yerle\u015fik toplum idari ve askeri a\u00e7\u0131dan g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc oldu\u011fu, sald\u0131r\u0131lara yan\u0131t verebildi\u011fi m\u00fcddet\u00e7e ku\u015fkusuz ticareti tercih ediyorlard\u0131. Ama yerle\u015fik n\u00fcfusun zay\u0131flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 anlarda ya\u011fma, Araplar\u0131n ifadesiyle gazve\/gaza g\u00f6\u00e7ebelere zenginlik a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u00e7ok daha fazla imkan sunuyordu. Bu sadece Arabistan tarihi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan de\u011fil, Bat\u0131 Avrupa tarihi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131nda da b\u00f6yledir. Benzer usullerin ve olgular\u0131n Bat\u0131 Avrupa\u2019da da oldu\u011funu biliniyor. Bir t\u00fcr ya\u011fma faaliyeti olan korsanl\u0131k ile ticaret aras\u0131ndaki yak\u0131n ili\u015fkiyi Henri Pirenne Orta\u00e7a\u011f tarihine ili\u015fkin \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131nda incelemi\u015fti. Pirenne Avrupa ticaretinin geli\u015fmesine hasretti\u011fi \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 Orta\u00e7a\u011f Avrupas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n Ekonomik ve Sosyal Tarihi<\/em>\u2019nde \u015fu tespiti yap\u0131yordu: \u201cAsl\u0131nda Vikingler korsand\u0131lar ve korsanl\u0131k ticaretin birinci a\u015famas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu, dokuzuncu y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n sonundan itibaren \u00f6ylesine do\u011frudur ki, ak\u0131nlar\u0131 sona erdi\u011finde Vikingler basit birer tacir olmu\u015flard\u0131r. (\u2026) \u0130sve\u00e7li karde\u015flerinin ortaya koydu\u011fu \u00f6rnekten sonra bunlar\u0131n da korsanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 b\u0131rak\u0131p t\u00fcccar olduklar\u0131, ama en k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir f\u0131rsatta korsanl\u0131\u011fa d\u00f6nmeye haz\u0131r ve her \u015feye ra\u011fmen t\u00fcccar ve \u00fcstelik a\u00e7\u0131k denizlerde ticaret yapan barbar tacirler olduklar\u0131 \u00e7ok a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r.\u201d[35] Henri Pirenne\u2019in korsanl\u0131k ve ticaret aras\u0131nda kurdu\u011fu ili\u015fkinin bir benzerini Arap kabileleri i\u00e7in de d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnebiliriz.<\/p>\n

Ya\u011fman\u0131n her ne kadar ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7ta ya\u015famsal ihtiya\u00e7lar i\u00e7in yap\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclebilse de, ki bu noktaya kadar ayn\u0131 tespit korsanl\u0131k i\u00e7in de ge\u00e7erli say\u0131labilir, devam\u0131nda art\u0131k bir t\u00fcr ticaret anlam\u0131na geliyordu. El konulan mallar sadece kabilenin ya\u015famsal ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131lam\u0131yordu, ayn\u0131 zamanda ticaret merkezlerinde sat\u0131lacak emtia anlam\u0131na da geliyordu. Kald\u0131 ki, ya\u011fman\u0131n g\u00f6\u00e7ebelerin birbirlerinden \u00e7almalar\u0131 ile ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 kabul edilse dahi, bir noktadan sonra bu eylem ticaret kervanlar\u0131n\u0131n ya\u011fmalanmas\u0131 bi\u00e7imine b\u00fcr\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. Yemen\u2019den ba\u015flayan ve Suriye\u2019ye uzanan k\u0131y\u0131 \u015feridi bir ticaret yoluydu ve ayn\u0131 zamanda g\u00f6zde bir gaza\/ya\u011fma g\u00fczergah\u0131yd\u0131. Medine\u2019ye hicretten sonra Mekke\u2019deki mallar\u0131ndan olan muhacirlerin de Medine\u2019de tutunabilmek ad\u0131na, g\u00f6\u00e7ebelerle ayn\u0131 bir bi\u00e7imde, Mekke kervanlar\u0131n\u0131 ya\u011fmalamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131klar\u0131, \u0130slam tarihine ili\u015fkin \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalarda yer al\u0131yor.[36] Ya\u011fmadan ticarete ve ticaretten ya\u011fmaya uzanan yol Arabistan\u2019da son derece k\u0131sayd\u0131. Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan g\u00f6\u00e7ebelerin bir t\u00fcr t\u00fcccar olduklar\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6ylemekte bir sak\u0131nca yoktur.<\/p>\n

Ya\u011fma, ticaret ile u\u011fra\u015fmak zorunda kalan Arap kabileleri aras\u0131nda me\u015fru da kabul ediliyordu. \u015eemsettin G\u00fcnaltay \u0130slam \u00d6ncesi Araplar ve Dinleri<\/em> kitab\u0131nda gazve denilen bu sava\u015flar\u0131n me\u015fru bir kazan\u00e7 yolu oldu\u011funu ileri s\u00fcr\u00fcyor.[37] M. A. Shaban\u2019da da benzer bir tespiti bulabiliyoruz, ticaret kervanlar\u0131n\u0131n ya\u011fmalanmas\u0131n\u0131n Arabistan\u2019da g\u00f6ze al\u0131nan bir risk ve ya\u011fman\u0131n ise geleneksel oldu\u011funu yaz\u0131yordu.[38] \u0130slam tarihine ili\u015fkin \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 ile bilenen Hugh Kennedy ise gazan\u0131n cahiliye d\u00f6neminde Arap ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131n temel bir \u00f6\u011fesi oldu\u011fu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesindedir. Kennedy\u2019e g\u00f6re, hilafet d\u00fczeninde de\u011fi\u015fen sadece gazan\u0131n hedefi olmaktad\u0131r, g\u00f6\u00e7ebeler art\u0131k birbirlerini ve ticaret kervanlar\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fil, Araplar\u0131n rakiplerini hedef almaktad\u0131rlar.[39]<\/p>\n

Kennedy\u2019nin iddias\u0131ndan yola \u00e7\u0131karsak, cihad\u0131 bu a\u00e7\u0131dan hedefi \u00f6l\u00e7ek\u00e7e b\u00fcy\u00fct\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f bir gaza sayabiliriz. Nitekim Arap ya\u011fmac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u0130slam sonras\u0131nda art\u0131k ticaret kervanlar\u0131na y\u00f6nelmeyip, kervanlar\u0131 ticari ve tar\u0131msal \u00fcr\u00fcnler ile dolduran yerle\u015fik toplumlar\u0131 hedef al\u0131yordu; \u0130slam tarih\u00e7ileri bu faaliyetin ad\u0131n\u0131 cihat koydular; gazadan nitelik\u00e7e bir fark\u0131 oldu\u011funu s\u00f6ylemek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir. Ana itkinin de\u011fi\u015fmedi\u011fi g\u00f6r\u00fclebilmektedir; e\u011fer mesele zenginli\u011fe el koymak ise, bu, hem \u0130slam \u00f6ncesinde, hem de \u0130slam sonras\u0131ndaki ya\u011fma faaliyetlerinde de\u011fi\u015fmeden kal\u0131yordu. Tarih a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan net olan, cihad\u0131n, Araplar\u0131n putperest d\u00f6nemindeki gazalar\u0131n\u0131n \u0130slam d\u00f6nemindeki bir yank\u0131s\u0131 oldu\u011fudur. \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n bir etkisi olmu\u015fsa dahi, bu etki ikincil planda kal\u0131yordu. \u0130lk itki, zenginli\u011fe el koymakt\u0131.<\/p>\n

\"\"
Arap ya\u011fmac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u0130slam sonras\u0131nda art\u0131k ticaret kervanlar\u0131na y\u00f6nelmeyip, kervanlar\u0131 ticari ve tar\u0131msal \u00fcr\u00fcnler ile dolduran yerle\u015fik toplumlar\u0131 hedef al\u0131yordu; \u0130slam tarih\u00e7ileri bu faaliyetin ad\u0131n\u0131 cihat koydular.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Ticaret bir b\u00f6lgede \u00fcretilen \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn bir ba\u015fka b\u00f6lgeye ta\u015f\u0131nmas\u0131ndan ibarettir; bunun anlam\u0131, b\u00f6lgeler aras\u0131ndaki \u00fcr\u00fcn ve zenginlik e\u015fitsizli\u011finden t\u00fcccarlar\u0131n kazan\u00e7 sa\u011flad\u0131klar\u0131d\u0131r. Yer de\u011fi\u015ftirebilme \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne sahip Arap kabileleri i\u00e7in bu \u00e7ok daha fazla ge\u00e7erliydi. Yemen taraf\u0131ndaki \u00fcretimin Suriye\u2019ye ve Suriye pazarlar\u0131na ula\u015fan tar\u0131msal \u00fcretimin Mekke ve Yemen y\u00f6n\u00fcne ta\u015f\u0131nmas\u0131nda \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 bulunuyordu. Yerle\u015fik toplumlar g\u00fc\u00e7lerini korudu\u011fu ve ticaret d\u00fczeni zay\u0131flamad\u0131\u011f\u0131, Mekkeli t\u00fcccarlara yeterli kazan\u00e7 sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 m\u00fcddet\u00e7e Araplar\u0131n Arabistan\u2019\u0131 terk etmeleri i\u00e7in bir gerek\u00e7eleri bulunmuyordu. \u00d6yleyse, onlar\u0131 askeri ve siyasi a\u00e7\u0131dan son derece riskli bir bi\u00e7imde o d\u00f6nemin en b\u00fcy\u00fck iki g\u00fcc\u00fcne, Bizans ve Sasani \u0130mparatorluklar\u0131, ayn\u0131 anda sava\u015f ilan etmeye zorlayan ne idi; dinsel bir co\u015fku ve dinsel sava\u015f arzusu mu yoksa siyasi ve ekonomik zorluklar m\u0131, tart\u0131\u015fmak zorunday\u0131z.<\/p>\n

Ridde Sava\u015flar\u0131<\/strong><\/p>\n

Bir ayr\u0131m yaparak ba\u015flayabiliriz: \u0130slam \u00f6ncesi gaza ile \u0130slam sonras\u0131ndaki gazay\u0131, Arap tarihinde bir t\u00fcr i\u00e7 sava\u015f sayabilece\u011fimiz Ridde Sava\u015flar\u0131 birbirinden ay\u0131r\u0131r. Araplar\u0131n Arabistan b\u00f6lgesi d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki as\u0131l gazalar\u0131 da, \u0130slamc\u0131 tarih\u00e7ilerin teknik deyi\u015fi ile cihat, bu d\u00f6nemin hemen ard\u0131ndan ba\u015flar. Ridde Sava\u015flar\u0131 Muhammed\u2019in \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn sonras\u0131na denk gelir; Ebu Bekir zaman\u0131 boyunca s\u00fcrer ve \u00d6mer ba\u015fa ge\u00e7ti\u011findeyse art\u0131k i\u00e7 sava\u015f bir d\u0131\u015f sava\u015f bi\u00e7imine b\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcr.<\/p>\n

Ridde Sava\u015flar\u0131, Muhammed\u2019in \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn ard\u0131ndan Arabistan\u2019\u0131n di\u011fer b\u00f6lgelerindeki kabilelerin Mekke\/Medine otoritesini tan\u0131mak istememelerinden kaynaklan\u0131yordu. Din tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 ikincil planda kal\u0131yordu. S\u00f6z konusu kabileler \u0130slam\u2019\u0131 b\u0131rak\u0131p eski \u00e7ok tanr\u0131l\u0131 dinlerine d\u00f6nmemi\u015flerdi. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla mesele tek ba\u015f\u0131na bir \u0130slam\u2019dan d\u00f6nme meselesi de\u011fildi; kavgan\u0131n oda\u011f\u0131nda Arabistan\u2019daki di\u011fer kabilelerin Mekke\/Medine egemenli\u011finde kal\u0131p kalmayacaklar\u0131 yer al\u0131yordu.[40] Mekke egemenli\u011fini tan\u0131d\u0131klar\u0131 d\u00f6nem boyunca Mekke\u2019nin dinini benimsediklerini s\u00f6ylemek de g\u00fc\u00e7t\u00fcr; as\u0131l olarak dini de\u011fil, otoriteyi benimsemi\u015flerdi ve Mekke liderinin, Muhammed\u2019in \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn hemen ard\u0131ndan Mekke otoritesini art\u0131k tan\u0131mad\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 ilan ediyorlard\u0131.<\/p>\n

Bu ilan\u0131n do\u011fal sonucu Ridde Sava\u015flar\u0131 ve s\u00f6z konusu sava\u015flar\u0131n zorunlu sonucu ise Arap kabilelerin ya\u015famsal ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131layan ticaretin \u00f6nemli \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde yara almas\u0131 oldu. Kabileler aras\u0131ndaki sava\u015flar nedeniyle Arabistan b\u00f6lgesindeki g\u00fcvenli\u011fin ortadan kalkmas\u0131, ticari faaliyetlerin de azalmas\u0131 anlam\u0131na geliyordu. Yeni rejim e\u011fer ya\u015famak istiyorsa bu soruna bir \u00e7are bulmal\u0131yd\u0131 ve Ebu Bekir d\u00f6neminde bu \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcn bulunamad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 biliyoruz.[41] Belki de \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm, Ridde politikas\u0131n\u0131 s\u0131k\u0131 s\u0131k\u0131ya takip eden Ebu Bekir\u2019in \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcyd\u00fc ama bunun nas\u0131l oldu\u011funu ayr\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131yla \u00f6\u011frenmek art\u0131k m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir. Bununla birlikte, Ebu Bekir\u2019in Mekke ticareti a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan bu pek zamanl\u0131 \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc ile \u00d6mer ba\u015fa ge\u00e7iyor ve ba\u015fa ge\u00e7er ge\u00e7mez, Araplar aras\u0131ndaki sava\u015f bir i\u00e7 sava\u015f olmaktan \u00e7\u0131k\u0131p, bir d\u0131\u015f sava\u015f halini al\u0131yordu. \u00d6mer\u2019in iktidar\u0131 ald\u0131\u011f\u0131nda ilk eylemi, Ebu Bekir\u2019in isyanc\u0131 kabilelerin bast\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131na dayanan Ridde politikas\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fi\u015ftirmek olmu\u015ftu. Mekke liderli\u011fi isyanc\u0131 kabilelerin gazalara kat\u0131labileceklerini kabul ederek, hem i\u00e7erideki kabileler aras\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 erteliyor, hem de d\u0131\u015far\u0131daki gazalarda eksikli\u011fini hissetti\u011fi sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131lara kavu\u015fmu\u015f oluyordu.[42]<\/p>\n

Elbette bu politika de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fini Mekke\u2019nin M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanl\u0131k \u00f6ncesi d\u00f6nemdeki politikas\u0131na bir t\u00fcr d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f, ba\u015fka deyi\u015fle, Mekke\u2019nin ticari \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 gere\u011fi \u0131l\u0131ml\u0131, Arabistan\u2019daki di\u011fer kabile dinlerini tahkir etmeme politikas\u0131n\u0131n modifiye edilmi\u015f ve zaman\u0131n gereklerine uyarlanm\u0131\u015f bir hali olarak d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnebiliriz. Ku\u015fkusuz Mekke\/Medine y\u00f6netimi dinsel planda bir rahatl\u0131\u011fa da sahipti, putperestlik tehlikesi hali haz\u0131rda s\u00f6z konusu de\u011fildi; bu nedenle Mekke rejimi isyanc\u0131 kabile liderlerine ve sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131na yer verdi\u011finde, bunun \u00e7ok tanr\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 restore etmesi ve dinsel\/siyasal b\u00f6l\u00fcnmeyi art\u0131rma tehlikesi bulunmuyordu.<\/p>\n

Do\u011fall\u0131kla bu politik hat de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fine Ridde Sava\u015flar\u0131\u2019nda g\u00f6rev alan komutanlar\u0131n geri \u00e7ekilmesi de e\u015flik etmi\u015fti. \u00d6mer, isyan eden kabile liderlerini Sasani b\u00f6lgesindeki gazalara kat\u0131lmalar\u0131 i\u00e7in te\u015fvik etmek yoluna dahi gidiyordu. Sasani cephesindeki komutanl\u0131\u011fa isyanc\u0131 kabilelerle nispeten daha iyi ili\u015fkileri olan Sa\u2019d bin Eb\u00fb Vakkas getiriliyordu. Ayn\u0131 de\u011fi\u015fim Bizans cephesinde de ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmi\u015fti. G\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bi\u00e7imde isyanc\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 olan Halid bin Velid geri \u00e7ekilirken, isyanc\u0131larla daha iyi ili\u015fkilere sahip olan Ebu Ubeyde bin Cerrah ileri s\u00fcr\u00fcl\u00fcyordu. Ridde liderleri, ki bunlar Muhammed\u2019in son d\u00f6nemindeki sahte peygamberlerdir, E\u015f\u2019as ve Tuleyha da s\u0131n\u0131r boylar\u0131ndaki gazalara kat\u0131lma hakk\u0131 kazan\u0131yorlard\u0131.[43] E\u011fer ad\u0131n\u0131 and\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z bu peygamberler asl\u0131nda Tanr\u0131 ile konu\u015fmad\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 ve sahte peygamberler olduklar\u0131n\u0131 birden idrak etmemi\u015flerse, \u00d6mer\u2019in bu politika de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fini sahte peygamberlerle ve isyanc\u0131 kabilelerle uzla\u015fma politikas\u0131 olarak g\u00f6rmekte bir sak\u0131nca bulunmamaktad\u0131r. Mekke\u2019nin varl\u0131k nedeni olan ticaret, bu de\u011fi\u015fimi ve \u00f6d\u00fcn\u00fc zorunlu k\u0131l\u0131yordu.<\/p>\n

\u00c7ok ilgi \u00e7ekici bir di\u011fer tespit ise H. A. R. Gibb taraf\u0131ndan yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r: Gibb, fetihler d\u00f6neminde \u0130slami ideolojinin \u0130slam devletlerinin ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Halifeli\u011fin politik kurumlar\u0131nda ifadesini bulamam\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131n\u0131n \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n trajedisi oldu\u011funu yazar.[44] \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc \u00e7ok k\u0131sa bir zaman dilimi i\u00e7erisinde ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen fetihler, dini ve ideolojik bir homojenite ve derinlik sa\u011flayamam\u0131\u015f Araplar\u0131n pratik bir eylemlili\u011fi olarak kal\u0131r; fetihlere d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnsel ya da dinsel bir aray\u0131\u015f e\u015flik etmez. Fetihler s\u0131ras\u0131nda dinsel planda ate\u015fli olanlar \u00f6nemli \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde az\u0131nl\u0131ktad\u0131r ve bunlar\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck bir k\u0131sm\u0131 da ilk fetihler boyunca Medine\u2019de ikamet etmeye devam ederler. Pek az\u0131 Suriye ve Pers b\u00f6lgelerindeki fetihlere kat\u0131l\u0131rlar. Fatihlerin ezici \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funu, Leone Caetani\u2019nin de dikkat \u00e7ekti\u011fi \u00fczere, \u0130slam hakk\u0131nda bu dinin isminden \u00f6te bir bilgisi bulunmayan macerac\u0131 ve fetihlerin getirece\u011fi maddi avantajlar\u0131 \u00f6nemseyen Bedeviler olu\u015ftururlar.[45]<\/p>\n

\"\"
I. Arde\u015fir\u2019in Sasani d\u00f6neminde yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015f kabartmas\u0131.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

1. Vasiliev de Bizans tarihine hasretti\u011fi \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131nda benzer bir noktaya de\u011finir: \u201cMuhammed\u2019in takip\u00e7ilerinden \u00e7ok az\u0131 Suriye ve \u0130ran\u2019da sava\u015ft\u0131. Sava\u015fan Araplar\u0131n \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu, \u0130slam\u2019\u0131 sadece kulaktan duymu\u015f Bedevilerden olu\u015fmaktayd\u0131. Bu Bedevilerin de maddi \u00e7\u0131kar elde etmekten, ya\u011fma yapmak ve s\u0131n\u0131rlama olmaks\u0131z\u0131n bu faaliyetlerde bulunmaktan ba\u015fka umursad\u0131klar\u0131 bir \u015fey yoktu. Bedeviler aras\u0131nda dini i\u015ftiyak yoktu.\u201d[46] T\u00fcrk\u00e7ede Muhammed\u2019in hayat\u0131 \u00fczerine yazd\u0131klar\u0131yla daha \u00e7ok hat\u0131rlanan W. Montgomery Watt\u2019ta da Caetani ve Vasiliev ile benzer tespitler bulabiliyoruz. \u015e\u00f6yle yaz\u0131yordu: \u201cMuhtemelen fetihler yoluyla dini yaymak gibi bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceleri bulunmuyordu.\u201d Ard\u0131ndan Watt \u015funlar\u0131 eklemi\u015fti: \u201cGanimet, fetihlere kat\u0131lanlar\u0131n \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funun \u00f6ncelikli amac\u0131yd\u0131.\u201d Seferlerin \u00e7o\u011funlukla ganimetin \u00e7ok ve direni\u015fin neredeyse olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u00f6relere yap\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 da \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131nda s\u00f6yl\u00fcyordu.[47] Bu sava\u015f faaliyetlerine kat\u0131lanlar\u0131n hat\u0131r\u0131 say\u0131l\u0131r bir kesiminin bir sene \u00f6ncesine kadar Mekke liderli\u011fi ile sava\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve \u0130slami tabir ile \u201csahte peygamberlerin\u201d pe\u015finden gitti\u011fini de burada hat\u0131rlamak zorunday\u0131z. Demek ki, sadece gaza seferlerinin dini niteli\u011fi de\u011fil, gazalara ya da cihat faaliyetine kat\u0131lan kadrolar\u0131n dini nitelikleri de \u00f6nemli \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde ku\u015fkuluydu.<\/p>\n

Arabistan\u2019da ticaretin zay\u0131flamas\u0131 bir \u00f6d\u00fcn politikas\u0131n\u0131, \u0130slam ile ba\u011flar\u0131 \u00e7ok zay\u0131f olan ya da hi\u00e7 olmayan kadrolar\u0131n da \u201ccihada\u201d kat\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Ticaretin azalmas\u0131yla onun yerini g\u00fcn\u00fcn ko\u015fullar\u0131nda ticaretten daha kazan\u00e7l\u0131 olan ganimet sava\u015flar\u0131 al\u0131yordu. Bu, kabileler aras\u0131ndaki sava\u015flar\u0131n da ertelenebilmesini sa\u011fl\u0131yordu. B\u00f6ylece Araplar\u0131n Arabistan\u2019dan \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n izini takip etmeye de art\u0131k ba\u015flam\u0131\u015f oluyoruz.<\/p>\n

Veban\u0131n y\u0131kt\u0131klar\u0131<\/strong><\/p>\n

Arabistan d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki \u00fc\u00e7 \u00f6nemli de\u011fi\u015fim yukar\u0131da anlat\u0131lan tablonun tamamlay\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 niteli\u011findedir: Birincisi Bizans-Sasani sava\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n b\u00f6lge ticareti \u00fczerindeki etkisi, ikincisi veba ve \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fcs\u00fc Bat\u0131 Avrupa\u2019yla ticaretin \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fc.<\/p>\n

Her iki imparatorlu\u011fu da \u00e7\u00f6kerten Bizans ile Sasani imparatorluklar\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki sava\u015f\u0131n Muhammed\u2019in ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00f6nemde ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti\u011fi biliniyor. 602 y\u0131l\u0131nda ba\u015flayan ve 628\u2019de sonlanan bu sava\u015flar, Ortado\u011fu ticaretinin Basra K\u00f6rfezi\u2019nden ve sonras\u0131nda Sasani ile Bizans s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131ndan ge\u00e7erek yap\u0131lan k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131 neredeyse durma noktas\u0131na getiriyordu.[48] Bu durumun ikinci ticaret yolunun \u00f6nemini, Yemen ile Suriye\u2019yi birbirine ba\u011flayan hatt\u0131n \u00f6nemini art\u0131rmas\u0131 beklenirdi. Ama s\u00f6z konusu sava\u015flar sadece ticaret yollar\u0131ndan birini i\u015flevsiz k\u0131lm\u0131yordu, ayn\u0131 zaman \u00f6nemli pazarlar olan bu iki imparatorlu\u011fu mali olarak da t\u00fcketiyordu. Bizans\u2019\u0131n 6. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n son \u00e7eyre\u011finden itibaren ciddi bir mali krize girdi\u011fi ve Persler ile sava\u015f\u0131n bu krizin boyutlar\u0131n\u0131 daha da fazla art\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 tarih\u00e7ilerce s\u0131k\u00e7a tekrarlanan bir bilgidir. Bu mali g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fck i\u00e7erisindeki Bizans hazinesi Bizans ordusuna yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6demelerini dahi aksat\u0131r haldeydi. \u00d6yle ki, 628\u2019de Sasanileri yenilgiye u\u011fratan Heraclius, kurdu\u011fu ordu i\u00e7in gereken paray\u0131 dahi kiliseden bor\u00e7 almak zorunda kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bizans\u2019\u0131 kendi yan\u0131nda sava\u015fan Araplara, Gassanilere<\/u>, \u00f6deme yapmaktan vazge\u00e7iren de ayn\u0131 iktisadi zorunluluktu.[49] Ama sava\u015f\u0131n tek etkisi \u00f6demelerdeki g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fck de\u011fildi; sava\u015f ayn\u0131 zamanda \u00fczerinde yap\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 co\u011frafyada, \u00f6zellikle Suriye ve \u00e7evresindeki b\u00f6lgede n\u00fcfusun \u00f6nemli \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde azalmas\u0131na da yol a\u00e7\u0131yordu. Bunun b\u00f6lgeden gelen vergi gelirlerinin azalmas\u0131yla ve tar\u0131m alanlar\u0131n\u0131n yeterli \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde kullan\u0131lamamas\u0131 ile sonu\u00e7lanmas\u0131 ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmazd\u0131.<\/p>\n

\"\"
Vebaya yakalanan ama kurtulan
I. Justinianus\u2019un mozai\u011fi.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Veba ise ticareti ve devlet hazinelerini zay\u0131flatan bir di\u011fer \u00f6nemli etkendi. Ortado\u011fu\u2019da 540\u2019tan 650\u2019lere kadar k\u0131l\u0131c\u0131n ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u015fi bitiren veba ve veban\u0131n ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u015fi bitiren her zaman k\u0131l\u0131\u00e7 oldu.[50] Veba ilk olarak 541\u2019de g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc. H\u0131zla Akdeniz b\u00f6lgesindeki b\u00fct\u00fcn ticaret merkezlerini ve \u015fehirleri ku\u015fatm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Ku\u015fatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u015fehirleri ve b\u00f6lgeleri \u00e7ok \u00e7abuk teslim ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 da trajik \u00f6yk\u00fcler bi\u00e7iminde d\u00f6nem kaynaklar\u0131nda anlat\u0131l\u0131yor. Tahribat, Hugh Kennedy\u2019nin tahminine g\u00f6re, toplam n\u00fcfusun \u00fc\u00e7te biri d\u00fczeyindeydi.[51] Veba hem k\u0131rlar\u0131, hem de ticaretin besledi\u011fi, n\u00fcfus\u00e7a yo\u011fun \u015fehirleri vuruyordu. Kennedy, Araplar\u0131n 630 ile 640\u2019l\u0131 y\u0131llarda ele ge\u00e7irdikleri Suriye \u015fehirlerinde g\u00f6rd\u00fckleri manzaran\u0131n bir \u015fehir tablosundan \u00e7ok uzak oldu\u011fu iddias\u0131ndad\u0131r. N\u00fcfusun azald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve Roma antik s\u00fctunlar\u0131 ile yollar\u0131n\u0131 dikenlerin kaplad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 yaz\u0131yordu.[52]<\/p>\n

Veba salg\u0131n\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131nda g\u00f6revi gere\u011fi Suriye\u2019den \u0130stanbul\u2019a seyahat eden Efesli John\u2019un g\u00f6rg\u00fc tan\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131na g\u00f6re, b\u00f6lgede tar\u0131m alanlar\u0131 bo\u015falm\u0131\u015f haldeydi. M\u0131s\u0131r\u2019\u0131n ise \u00f6nemli bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn terk edilmi\u015f oldu\u011funu s\u00f6ylenmektedir. Efesli John\u2019a g\u00f6re, Filistin\u2019deki \u00f6l\u00fcm oran\u0131 \u0130skenderiye\u2019ye g\u00f6re daha fazlayd\u0131; kasabalar ve k\u00f6yler terk edilmi\u015fti. Salg\u0131na \u0130stanbul\u2019da tan\u0131kl\u0131k eden Procopius ise ac\u0131yla \u201cneredeyse t\u00fcm bir insan \u0131rk\u0131n\u0131n yok oldu\u011funu\u201d[53] yaz\u0131yordu. Hastal\u0131k ilk olarak fakirleri vurmu\u015ftu, \u00e7ift\u00e7iler, zanaatkarlar, hizmet\u00e7iler \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn nefesini ilk hissedenlerdi. Ama o \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n salg\u0131nlar\u0131nda \u00f6l\u00fcm en adil cellatt\u0131, zenginleri de yan\u0131na almakta gecikmiyordu. \u00d6yle ki, tarihin 541 y\u0131l\u0131ndaki vebaya Justinyen Vebas\u0131; Sasani ba\u015fkenti Ktesifon\u2019daki 627\/8 tarihli veba salg\u0131n\u0131na da \u015earawaygh Vebas\u0131 ad\u0131n\u0131 vermesi bo\u015funa de\u011fildir. \u0130lkinde Bizans imparatoru Justinyen salg\u0131na yakalan\u0131yordu; \u015fansl\u0131yd\u0131, \u00f6lmemi\u015fti. \u0130kincisinde ise Sasani h\u00fck\u00fcmdar\u0131 \u015earawaygh salg\u0131na yakalan\u0131yordu. Veba ve \u00f6l\u00fcm son derece c\u00fcretkard\u0131; iki imparatorlu\u011fun da en \u00fcst makam\u0131na dek elini uzatabiliyordu.<\/p>\n

Salg\u0131n s\u0131ras\u0131nda \u00f6lenlerin d\u00fczg\u00fcn bir bi\u00e7imde defnedilmeleri dahi m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131; toplu definlerin s\u0131radanla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir d\u00f6nemdi.[54] Toplamda, Arap fetihleriyle kesi\u015fen bir bi\u00e7imde, iki y\u00fczy\u0131l i\u00e7erisinde, 540 ile 750 y\u0131llar\u0131 aras\u0131nda, on sekiz salg\u0131n oldu\u011fu kay\u0131tl\u0131d\u0131r. Bu tablo kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda Jo N. Hays hakl\u0131 olarak veban\u0131n antikitenin sona ermesinden sorumlu olup olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 sormaktad\u0131r.[55] \u00d6nemli Orta\u00e7a\u011f tarih\u00e7isi Le Goff\u2019un sorusu ise meseleyi Hays\u2019\u0131n b\u0131rakt\u0131\u011f\u0131 yerde ele almaktad\u0131r. Goff, veban\u0131n tutsak ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u015fehir ve \u00fclke n\u00fcfuslar\u0131nda yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 tahribat\u0131n Muhammed\u2019in \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 haz\u0131rlad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 yaz\u0131yordu ki, hakl\u0131 oldu\u011funu kabul etmek zorunday\u0131z.[56] Nitekim Arap fetihlerinin hemen \u00f6ncesinde ya da s\u0131ras\u0131nda Halifelik egemenli\u011fine girecek Filistin\u2019de ve \u0130ran\u2019da 626-628 y\u0131llar\u0131 aras\u0131nda, Suriye, Irak ve yine Filistin\u2019de 639\u2019da salg\u0131nlar ba\u015f g\u00f6steriyordu.[57] Bu tarihler \u00f6ncesinde de Suriye, Filistin ve M\u0131s\u0131r\u2019\u0131 veba birka\u00e7 kez \u00e7oktan ziyaret etmi\u015fti. Bir tekrarla, veban\u0131n ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u015fi 602 y\u0131l\u0131ndaki sava\u015f ve sava\u015f\u0131n geride b\u0131rakt\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u015fi de veba sona erdiriyordu.[58] Arap fatihleri veba art\u0131\u011f\u0131 b\u00f6yle bir Suriye, M\u0131s\u0131r ve \u0130ran\u2019a girmi\u015flerdi.<\/p>\n

\"\"
Sasani ordusunu temsil eden bir betim.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

N\u00fcfusun azalmas\u0131n\u0131n ticaret \u00fczerinde etkisi ise tahmin edilebilir. Do\u011fu Roma \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu 630\u2019lu y\u0131llarda, Peter Sarris\u2019in ifadesiyle, \u00f6nceki halinin sadece bir g\u00f6lgesinden ibaretti.[59] Ayn\u0131 halin Sasani imparatorlu\u011fu i\u00e7in ge\u00e7erli olmamas\u0131 i\u00e7in hi\u00e7bir neden yoktur. \u0130ki imparatorlu\u011fun h\u00fck\u00fcmdarlar\u0131 tarihin vebaya ad koymas\u0131nda nas\u0131l ayn\u0131 rol\u00fc oynam\u0131\u015flarsa, t\u00fckenmi\u015flikte ayn\u0131 kaderi payla\u015ft\u0131lar. Rus tarih\u00e7i Vasiliev, \u00fczerinden korkun\u00e7 bir veba seli ak\u0131p ge\u00e7mi\u015f Bizans\u2019\u0131n halini \u015fu \u015fekilde anlat\u0131yordu: \u201c\u00d6l\u00fcm oran\u0131 korkun\u00e7tu. \u015eehirler, kasabalar, k\u00f6yler terk edildi, zirai \u00fcretim durma noktas\u0131na geldi. Hastal\u0131\u011f\u0131n etkiledi\u011fi yerlerden ka\u00e7\u0131\u015flar, k\u0131tl\u0131k ve panik imparatorluk sath\u0131nda tam bir karma\u015faya sebep oldu. Sarayda y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclen b\u00fct\u00fcn faaliyetler ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131\u011fa u\u011frad\u0131.\u201d[60] Zirai \u00fcretimin durmas\u0131, devletin gelir kaynaklar\u0131n\u0131 da sekteye u\u011frat\u0131yordu. Bunun sonucu, ticari faaliyetlerin azalmas\u0131 olacakt\u0131. Ancak ticaret yoluyla beslenebilen ve l\u00fcks t\u00fcketimin de merkezi olan \u0130stanbul\u2019un durumu yeterince a\u00e7\u0131klay\u0131c\u0131d\u0131r, \u0130stanbul\u2019un, elbette o zamanki ad\u0131yla Konstantinopol, 9. y\u00fczy\u0131lda 6. y\u00fczy\u0131ldakinden daha k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir \u015fehir oldu\u011fu s\u00f6ylenmektedir ki, bunu veban\u0131n laneti sayabiliriz.[61] Veba Do\u011fu ile Bizans aras\u0131ndaki ticaretin azalmas\u0131 sonucunu do\u011furmu\u015ftu. Bu halin Bizans\u2019\u0131n Do\u011fu ile ticaretinde arac\u0131 konumunda bulunan Arabistan\u2019\u0131n ticaret hacmini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc de tahmin edebiliriz.<\/p>\n

Tamamlay\u0131c\u0131 son bilgiyi ise Hugh Kennedy\u2019nin The Prophet And The Age Of The Caliphs<\/em> \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131nda bulabiliyoruz. Kennedy, veba salg\u0131n\u0131ndan Akdeniz b\u00f6lgesindeki b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00f6nemli \u015fehirler paylar\u0131na d\u00fc\u015feni al\u0131rken, g\u00f6\u00e7ebe n\u00fcfusun bu salg\u0131nlardan pek etkilenmedi\u011fini s\u00f6ylemektedir. Veban\u0131n Arabistan\u2019a s\u0131\u00e7ramad\u0131\u011f\u0131 da bir di\u011fer de\u011ferli tespitidir.[62] Demek ki, vebadan etkilenmemi\u015f ya da pek az etkilenmi\u015f olan Araplar can \u00e7eki\u015fen bir uygarl\u0131\u011f\u0131 fethediyorlard\u0131. Fethin \u00e7ok k\u0131sa bir zamanda ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmi\u015f olmas\u0131 \u015fa\u015f\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 olmamal\u0131d\u0131r. Kayda de\u011fer bir diren\u00e7le kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fmad\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 tahmin etmek g\u00fc\u00e7 de\u011fildir.<\/p>\n

D\u00fcnya ticaretindeki durgunluk<\/strong><\/p>\n

B\u00fct\u00fcn bu tabloda d\u00fcnya ticareti nereye oturuyor? Bat\u0131 Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n, Bat\u0131 Roma\u2019n\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcn ard\u0131ndan h\u0131zla bir tar\u0131m b\u00f6lgesi haline geldi\u011fini Orta\u00e7a\u011f tarih\u00e7ileri not ediyorlar. Roma sonras\u0131 Bat\u0131 Avrupa\u2019y\u0131, as\u0131l olarak 8. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131 kastederek, Henri Pirenne \u201ctopra\u011f\u0131n her \u015fey, ticaretin ise hi\u00e7bir \u015fey\u201d[63] oldu\u011fu bir b\u00f6lge olarak tarif ediyordu. Ona g\u00f6re, 700\u2019lerin sonlar\u0131ndan itibaren Bat\u0131 Avrupa tamamen tar\u0131msal bir duruma geri d\u00f6nm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc, toprak tek ya\u015fama kayna\u011f\u0131yd\u0131.[64] Bununla birlikte, ticaretin gerilemesi 700\u2019l\u00fc y\u0131llara \u00f6zg\u00fc de\u011fildir. \u00c7ok daha \u00f6ncesinde azalmaya ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Pirenne\u2019in ele ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00f6nem, feodalite \u00f6zelliklerinin daha a\u00e7\u0131k bir hale geldi\u011fi bir zaman dilimi olarak d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclebilir.<\/p>\n

\"\"6. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n sonralar\u0131nda \u00f6l\u00e7e\u011fi azalm\u0131\u015fsa da hala bir Akdeniz ticaretinden s\u00f6z edilebiliyordu, ne de olsa \u0130stanbul\u2019u besleyen tah\u0131l merkezi M\u0131s\u0131r hen\u00fcz vebaya ra\u011fmen b\u00fct\u00fcn g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc kaybetmemi\u015fti. Ama Mekke kervanlar\u0131n\u0131n u\u011frak noktalar\u0131 olan Suriye ve Filistin kentleri, 500\u2019lerin sonunda, veban\u0131n da etkisiyle, ticari canl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 yitirmi\u015flerdi.[65] Ticaret geni\u015f \u015fehir pazarlar\u0131 yerine art\u0131k hac ziyaretlerine ba\u011fl\u0131 hale gelmi\u015f bulunuyordu. Bu iki b\u00f6lgede manast\u0131rlar ve kiliseler \u015fehir ileri gelenlerinin yerlerini alm\u0131\u015flard\u0131. Genel planda ise geleneksel l\u00fcks meta ticareti 6. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n sonunda art\u0131k eski hacminden uzakt\u0131. Hem Bizans\u2019\u0131n mali sorunlar\u0131, hem de \u0130talyan kentlerini vuran veba ve Bat\u0131 Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n ticari gerileyi\u015fi, l\u00fcks meta ticareti i\u00e7in, ge\u00e7mi\u015fe k\u0131yasla, ancak k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir miktar\u0131n ayr\u0131labilmesine neden oluyordu. 6. ve 7. y\u00fczy\u0131llarda ticaret daha \u00e7ok yerel \u00fcr\u00fcnlerin bir de\u011fi\u015f toku\u015funa indirgenmi\u015fti.[66] Kurey\u015f ailesinin \u00f6n plana \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu y\u0131llarda, ticaret daha \u00e7ok tar\u0131msal ve hayvansal \u00fcr\u00fcnlerin el de\u011fi\u015ftirmesi bi\u00e7iminde ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmekteydi. Muhammed\u2019in dedesi Ha\u015fim\u2019in Bizans\u2019tan Suriye\u2019de ticaret izni ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00f6nem i\u015fte bu d\u00f6nemdi. Ama genelde kabul edilenin aksine, John Julius Norwich\u2019e g\u00f6re, 600\u2019lerin ikinci \u00e7eyre\u011fine dek, Arabistan\u2019\u0131n d\u00fcnya ticareti i\u00e7indeki yeri \u00f6nemsizdi. Norwich \u015funlar\u0131 yaz\u0131yordu: \u201cVII. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ikinci \u00e7eyre\u011fine kadar Arabistan Yar\u0131madas\u0131, o zaman\u0131n H\u0131ristiyan d\u00fcnyas\u0131 i\u00e7in terra incognita<\/em> (ke\u015ffedilmemi\u015f b\u00f6lge) idi. Uzak ve misafir sevmez, bat\u0131n\u0131n g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015f ge\u00e7irmi\u015f t\u00fcccarlar\u0131n\u0131 cezbedecek bir \u015fey \u00fcretmeyen \u2026 bir yer.\u201d[67] Norwich\u2019in ifadesinde bir abartma pay\u0131 olmas\u0131 ihtimali vard\u0131r. Ama \u0130slami literat\u00fcrdeki Arabistan\u2019\u0131n ve Mekke\u2019nin \u00f6nemli bir ticaret merkezi oldu\u011fu yollu bilginin do\u011fru olmayabilece\u011fini g\u00f6stermek a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan Norwich\u2019in s\u00f6yledikleri \u00f6nemlidir. Mekke, Arabistan i\u00e7i ticaretin sava\u015flar nedeniyle zay\u0131flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve d\u00fcnya ticaretinin durgunla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir evrede g\u00fcn \u0131\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131na \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yordu. D\u00fcnya ticareti a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan ise \u00f6nemli bir mevkii i\u015fgal eder bir halde de\u011fildi; hi\u00e7bir zaman da olmayacakt\u0131.<\/p>\n

B\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7ekli d\u00fcnya ticareti, Bat\u0131 Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n h\u0131zla ticari niteliklerini yitirmesi ve Bizans\u2019\u0131n yoksulla\u015fmas\u0131 nedeniyle yerini daha d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck kapasitedeki bir ticarete b\u0131rakm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bunun Arabistan\u2019daki etkisini daha \u00e7ok peri bacalar\u0131n\u0131n olu\u015fumu gibi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnebiliriz. Arabistan\u2019\u0131n \u00e7evresindeki d\u00fcnya \u00e7\u00f6kerken, Arabistan\u2019daki ya\u015fam onlarla ayn\u0131 h\u0131zla zay\u0131flamam\u0131\u015ft\u0131; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc Arabistan genel \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fcnt\u00fcden etkilenebilecek \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde dahi geli\u015fmi\u015f de\u011fildi; geli\u015fmemi\u015f olmas\u0131, tarihin bir cilvesidir, \u015fans\u0131 oluyordu. Sasaniler ve Bizans, devlet yap\u0131lar\u0131 olarak t\u00fckenirlerken, devlet niteli\u011fine sahip olmayan ve ciddiye al\u0131n\u0131r bir iktisadi g\u00fcc\u00fc bulunmayan Arabistan\u2019\u0131n bir devlet olarak \u00e7\u00f6kmesini beklemek do\u011fru olmayacakt\u0131r. Arabistan\u2019da tarih de\u011fi\u015fmemi\u015fti; daha do\u011fru bir ifadeyle, Arabistan d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki geli\u015fmeler sayesinde tarih hen\u00fcz yeni ba\u015fl\u0131yordu.<\/p>\n

\"\"
Nihavend Kalesi. 642 y\u0131l\u0131nda Hz. \u00d6mer zaman\u0131nda Sasanilerle Araplar aras\u0131nda ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen Nihavend Sava\u015f\u0131 bu y\u00f6rede yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

\u00dc\u00e7 maddi etken, Bizans-Sasani sava\u015flar\u0131, veba ve d\u00fcnya ticaretinin durumu, genel bir iktisadi durgunluk anlam\u0131na geliyordu. Bu durgunluk, Arabistan i\u00e7erisinde rekabetin ve kabileler aras\u0131nda i\u00e7 sava\u015f\u0131n yo\u011funla\u015fmas\u0131 bi\u00e7iminde kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bulmu\u015ftu. Ama Arabistan\u2019daki kabile sistemini daimi bir i\u00e7 sava\u015f \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi bi\u00e7iminde d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. Kabileler asl\u0131nda her an birbirleriyle ganimet ya da egemenlik kavgas\u0131na girmeye haz\u0131rd\u0131lar; pek k\u0131sa aral\u0131klarla sava\u015f yapmaktan da ka\u00e7\u0131nm\u0131yorlard\u0131. Gaza ideolojisi bu anlamda da s\u00f6z konusu sava\u015flar\u0131 me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131r\u0131yordu. Ridde Sava\u015flar\u0131 da bu a\u00e7\u0131dan farkl\u0131 de\u011fildi. Bu nedenle Ridde\u2019yi daha \u00f6nceki gazalardan \u00f6z\u00fc itibariyle ay\u0131rmak m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir. En fazla yo\u011funluk bak\u0131m\u0131ndan farkl\u0131l\u0131k ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclebilir ki, bunu da Mekke\u2019nin kurmu\u015f oldu\u011fu egemenli\u011fe, ayn\u0131 zamanda rekabetin yo\u011funla\u015fmas\u0131na ve ekonomik durgunlu\u011fa bir tepki olarak ele alabiliriz. Peygamber i\u015fte tam bu s\u0131rada ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131. D\u0131\u015f \u00fclkeleri hedef alan cihat ve gaza Arabistan\u2019daki bu ekonomik durgunlu\u011fa ve artan rekabetten kaynaklanan Ridde Sava\u015flar\u0131na bulunan \u00e7areler oldular.<\/p>\n

Vakum etkisi<\/strong><\/p>\n

G\u00f6\u00e7ebe toplumlar\u0131 ne zaman ticaretten ya\u011fmaya ge\u00e7erler? Bu ge\u00e7i\u015fte ticaretin tek ba\u015f\u0131na bir belirleyicili\u011fi oldu\u011funu s\u00f6ylemek zordur. Eski d\u00f6nemlerin genel g\u00fcvenlik zaaf\u0131 ve devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131n\u0131n modern devlet tipine g\u00f6re g\u00fc\u00e7s\u00fcz olmas\u0131, g\u00f6\u00e7ebeler i\u00e7in ya\u011fma kap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 asl\u0131nda her zaman a\u00e7\u0131k tutar. Ama yerle\u015fik toplumlar kendilerini savunabilir olduklar\u0131 m\u00fcddet\u00e7e ya\u011fma yine de riskli bir giri\u015fimdir. Ku\u015fkusuz gaza her zaman risklidir; bu nedenle Arap kabileleri birbirlerine y\u00f6nelik sava\u015flar\u0131n\u0131, gazalar\u0131n\u0131, \u00e7o\u011funlukla bir diren\u00e7 g\u00f6sterilemeyece\u011fi zamanlarda icra etmi\u015flerdir. Gazalar kom\u015fu kabilenin sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n yerle\u015filen b\u00f6lgede bulunmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve ganimete kolayca el konulabilece\u011fi anlarda bask\u0131nlar bi\u00e7iminde yap\u0131l\u0131yordu. Bunun bir benzerini g\u00f6\u00e7ebelerin yerle\u015fik toplumlarla ili\u015fkileri i\u00e7in de d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnebiliriz; \u015fehirlerin ya da kasabalar\u0131n yerle\u015fik askeri unsurlar\u0131 b\u00f6lgede bulundu\u011fu m\u00fcddet\u00e7e gaza tehlike arz ediyordu; bask\u0131nlar ancak s\u00f6z konusu askeri birlikler b\u00f6lgeden ayr\u0131ld\u0131klar\u0131nda bir se\u00e7enek halini al\u0131yordu.<\/p>\n

\"\"
Felsefe ve bilime b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6nem veren Sasani Kral\u0131 I. Khosrau\u2019nun heykeli.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Sava\u015f g\u00f6\u00e7ebe kabileler i\u00e7in ticaretten daha k\u00e2rl\u0131 ve risksiz oldu\u011funda ba\u015fvurulacak bir hamleydi; ancak kazan\u00e7 \u201cgaranti\u201d oldu\u011funda gaza ediyorlard\u0131. Gazay\u0131 bu anlamda risksiz ticaret olarak d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnebiliriz. Nitekim Arap toplumu da ticari durgunlu\u011fa hemen sava\u015f ya da cihat yan\u0131t\u0131n\u0131 vermemi\u015fti; kom\u015fular\u0131 olan yerle\u015fik ve g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc toplumlar\u0131n zay\u0131flamas\u0131yla ancak cihat\/gaza bir se\u00e7enek halini al\u0131yordu. D\u0131\u015far\u0131daki sava\u015f, i\u00e7erideki sava\u015fa k\u0131yasla \u00e7ok daha kazan\u00e7l\u0131 oldu\u011funda, Bedeviler kendi aralar\u0131ndaki sava\u015f\u0131 ertelemi\u015flerdi. Arap kabileleri birbirlerine y\u00f6nelik gazay\u0131 ancak, Ridde sava\u015flar\u0131 olarak da adland\u0131rabiliriz, d\u0131\u015f topraklara y\u00f6nelik bir sava\u015fta elde edilecek ganimet, kabilelerin birbirlerinden elde edebilecekleri ganimetten fazla olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 fark ettiklerinde sona erdiriyorlard\u0131. Bunun fark edilmesini sa\u011flayan unsur ise, Bizans ve Sasani savunma d\u00fczenlerinin \u00e7\u00f6km\u00fc\u015f olmas\u0131yd\u0131. Tam bu nedenle Arap kabilelerini Arabistan d\u0131\u015f\u0131na \u00e7eken tek ba\u015f\u0131na kendi i\u00e7lerindeki bir geli\u015fme de\u011fil, Arabistan d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki geli\u015fmelerdi. Arabistan\u2019daki ticari durgunluk d\u0131\u015far\u0131ya bir tepki verebilmelerinin zeminini sa\u011flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131 belki ama Arabistan d\u0131\u015f\u0131na a\u00e7\u0131lmay\u0131 sa\u011flayan etken, Bizans ve Sasani imparatorluklar\u0131n\u0131n birer y\u0131k\u0131nt\u0131ya d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015f olmalar\u0131yd\u0131. Arabistan d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki bo\u015flu\u011fun yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 vakum Araplar\u0131 yar\u0131mada s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131na \u00e7ekmi\u015fti. Pazarl\u0131\u011f\u0131 en d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck fiyata kapatmay\u0131 bilen her i\u015f bilir t\u00fcccar gibi Araplar da Suriye, Irak, \u0130ran ve M\u0131s\u0131r\u2019daki kolay zaferlerin ve ganimetlerin \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7abucak duymu\u015flard\u0131. Kendi i\u00e7lerindeki ekonomik durgunluk ve artan rekabet nedeniyle yo\u011funla\u015fan kavgay\u0131 art\u0131k daha sonraya b\u0131rakabilirlerdi.<\/p>\n

Burada spek\u00fclatif bir \u00e7er\u00e7evede \u015fu soruyu sormak m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr: Sasani ve Bizans imparatorluklar\u0131 \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmeselerdi, Arap kabileler birbirlerinin mallar\u0131n\u0131 ya\u011fmalama sava\u015flar\u0131na son verebilirler miydi? Kabile sistemi varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 korudu\u011fu m\u00fcddet\u00e7e Araplar\u0131n kendi aralar\u0131ndaki sava\u015flara s\u00fcrekli olarak devam edeceklerini ileri s\u00fcrebiliriz. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc Arabistan d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki b\u00fcy\u00fck g\u00fc\u00e7ler her seferinde Araplar aras\u0131ndaki sava\u015flara, g\u00fc\u00e7ler dengesinin tekrar tekrar korunmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flayacak ve sava\u015flar\u0131n varl\u0131k nedenini daimi k\u0131lacak bi\u00e7imde m\u00fcdahale edebiliyorlard\u0131. Bu hal en a\u00e7\u0131k olarak Gassani ve Lahmi devletlerinde g\u00f6r\u00fclebilmektedir. Sasani ve Bizans varl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 koruduklar\u0131 m\u00fcddet\u00e7e, Araplarla aralar\u0131ndaki g\u00fcvenlik duvar\u0131 rol\u00fcndeki vassallar\u0131 Lahmiler ve Gassaniler de varl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131, kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 olarak birbirlerini yenilgiye u\u011fratsalar dahi s\u00fcrd\u00fcrebiliyorlard\u0131. Sasani devleti var olduk\u00e7a Lahmi devleti Gassaniler kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda bir var olu\u015f sorunu ya\u015fam\u0131yordu. Ayn\u0131s\u0131 Gassaniler i\u00e7in de ge\u00e7erliydi.<\/p>\n

Arabistan\u2019\u0131n kabile d\u00fczeninden kurtulmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 m\u00fcddet\u00e7e kendi i\u00e7inde ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015fl\u00fc\u011fe \u00e7are bulmas\u0131 s\u00f6z konusu dahi de\u011fildi. Nitekim \u0130slam Araplar aras\u0131ndaki i\u00e7 sava\u015flar\u0131 engellemiyordu.[68] Hem Emeviler\u2019in kurulu\u015fu hem de Abbasiler\u2019in kurulu\u015fu kanl\u0131 i\u00e7 sava\u015flar\u0131n ard\u0131ndan ger\u00e7eklemi\u015fti. Sadece Arabistan d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki d\u00fcnyada ya\u015fanan de\u011fi\u015fim, i\u00e7 sava\u015f\u0131 -ki bu da kal\u0131c\u0131 de\u011fildi- erteleme ya da durdurma g\u00fcc\u00fc ta\u015f\u0131yordu. Tam da bu nedenle -ve bir tekrar olarak- Arabistan\u2019\u0131 Mekke otoritesi alt\u0131nda birli\u011fe do\u011fru \u00e7eken, d\u0131\u015far\u0131daki bo\u015flu\u011fun ve zay\u0131flaman\u0131n yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 vakumdu. Fetihlerin yava\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 her an ise yeni i\u00e7 sava\u015f tohumlar\u0131n\u0131 ekiyordu. \u0130slam bu anlamda kabileler aras\u0131ndaki i\u00e7 sava\u015fa bulunmu\u015f birle\u015ftirici bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm olmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n

\"\"
Sasanilerle Bizans aras\u0131nda ya\u015fanan Nineveh Sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131 resmeden bir tablo.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Bu y\u00fczdendir ki, yeni bir vali ya da y\u00f6netici atand\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, bu, kabileler aras\u0131ndaki g\u00fc\u00e7 m\u00fccadelesini h\u0131zla tetikliyordu. Wellhausen\u2019a g\u00f6re, y\u00f6neticiler d\u00fczeyindeki her de\u011fi\u015fiklik kabileler aras\u0131ndaki d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 yeniden ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131yordu: \u201cFakat yeni bir vali ile idarenin d\u00fcmenine yeni ve ba\u015fka bir kabile gelir ve bunun neticesi de i\u015ften el \u00e7ektirilen kabilenin yeni kabilenin iktidara gelmesine kar\u015f\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck bir d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011fa ba\u015flamas\u0131 olurdu.\u201d[69] Eyaletlere yeni bir valinin atanmas\u0131 ile yeni bir isyan\u0131n ba\u015f g\u00f6stermesi, eski valinin etraf\u0131ndaki g\u00fc\u00e7lerin ayaklanmalar\u0131, neredeyse e\u015f anlaml\u0131 ve e\u015f zamanl\u0131yd\u0131.<\/p>\n

Kabile siyaseti \u0130slam \u00f6rt\u00fcs\u00fc alt\u0131nda varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmeye devam ediyordu. \u00c7ok k\u0131sa s\u00fcrelerde \u00f6nemli i\u00e7 sava\u015flar\u0131n ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 bu nedenledir. Halifeli\u011fin Osman\u2019dan Ali\u2019ye ge\u00e7i\u015fi i\u00e7 sava\u015f anlam\u0131na (656-661) geliyordu. Emevi Devleti 661 y\u0131l\u0131nda bu i\u00e7 sava\u015f\u0131n ard\u0131ndan halifeli\u011fin el de\u011fi\u015ftirmesiyle kurulmu\u015ftu. Yirmi y\u0131l sonras\u0131nda Muaviye\u2019nin \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn ard\u0131ndan Ali\u2019nin ard\u0131llar\u0131yla Emevi hanedan\u0131 aras\u0131nda ikinci bir i\u00e7 sava\u015f \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131. 744-750 tarihleri aras\u0131ndaki i\u00e7 sava\u015f ise Emevi Hanedanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 nihayete erdiriyor ve Abbasi Devleti\u2019nin kurulmas\u0131 ile sonu\u00e7lan\u0131yordu. Halifelikte her yeni d\u00f6nemin kap\u0131s\u0131 i\u00e7 sava\u015flarla aralan\u0131yordu.<\/p>\n

Arap fetihleri<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u0130slam fetihleri t\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn tek \u00f6rne\u011fi miydi? Araplar\u0131n fethettikleri topraklar daha \u00f6nce de ayn\u0131 h\u0131zla fethedilmi\u015flerdi. Sasani devleti 602 y\u0131l\u0131nda Bizans\u2019a sald\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda Suriye, Mezopotamya, Filistin ve M\u0131s\u0131r, Arap fetihlerindeki gibi, h\u0131zla Sasani \u0130mparatorlu\u011funun kontrol\u00fc alt\u0131na giriyordu. B\u00f6lgedeki Bizans y\u00f6netimleri Sasani g\u00fc\u00e7lerine kar\u015f\u0131 ciddi bir direni\u015f sergilememi\u015flerdi. Direnmemek bir yana, 6. y\u00fczy\u0131lda ve 7. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n erken d\u00f6nemlerinde Mezopotamya, Suriye, Filistin ve M\u0131s\u0131r\u2019daki pek \u00e7ok Bizans \u015fehri y\u00f6neticisi surlar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcne yerle\u015fen Sasani ordusu komutanlar\u0131yla m\u00fczakerelerde bulunmu\u015f ve teslim anla\u015fmalar\u0131 imzalam\u0131\u015flard\u0131. Walter E. Kaegi bu politikan\u0131n \u201cM\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131n sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131na maruz kalan Filistin\u2019deki, Suriye\u2019deki ve Bizans hakimiyetindeki Mezopotamya\u2019da pek \u00e7ok yerle\u015fim yeri y\u00f6neticileri \u00fczerinde benzer bir politika takip etmek i\u00e7in \u00f6nemli bir \u00f6rnek\u201d[70] te\u015fkil etti\u011fi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesindeydi. Demek ki, Arap fetihlerinin ve fetihler kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda sergilenen tavr\u0131n daha \u00f6nce birer \u00f6rne\u011fi bulunuyordu.<\/p>\n

\"\"
626 y\u0131l\u0131nda Konstantinopolis\u2019in Sasanilerce ku\u015fat\u0131lmas\u0131.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Ama mesele sadece politik bir modele sahip olmaktan ibaret de\u011fildir. Arap ordular\u0131nda fethettikleri b\u00f6lgelerin \u00e7e\u015fitli unsurlar\u0131 da bulunuyordu. Kimi elit Sasani birliklerinden toprak sahibi aristokratlara kadar Araplar\u0131n yan\u0131ndan yer alan yerel unsurlar\u0131n ku\u015fatmalar s\u0131ras\u0131nda arac\u0131 rol oynam\u0131\u015f olmalar\u0131 muhtemeldir. \u00d6rne\u011fin Hugh Kennedy\u2019e g\u00f6re, M\u0131s\u0131r\u2019\u0131 fetheden Amr bin As\u2019\u0131n ordusu hem Pers, hem de Grek kuvvetlerini i\u00e7eriyordu.[71] Kadisiye sava\u015f\u0131 (636) gibi erken bir tarihte dahi 4000 kadar Sasani askeri Araplar\u0131n saf\u0131na kat\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bunun kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131nda askeri divan listesine ge\u00e7erek \u00f6denek sahibi olmu\u015flar ve istediklere yere yerle\u015fme hakk\u0131 kazanm\u0131\u015flard\u0131; bunlardan baz\u0131lar\u0131 2000 dirheme kadar, ki bu rakam Araplar\u0131n en eski \u00fcyelerinin ald\u0131klar\u0131 rakamla ayn\u0131d\u0131r, bir \u00fccret de al\u0131yorlard\u0131.[72] Kennedy bu gayrim\u00fcslim k\u00f6kenli unsurlar\u0131n Halifelik ordular\u0131na yeni askeri teknikler tan\u0131tt\u0131klar\u0131 iddias\u0131ndad\u0131r; ama bunun tart\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 bir tez oldu\u011funu s\u00f6ylemek durumunday\u0131z. Araplar\u0131n sava\u015f taktiklerini \u00e7o\u011funlukla de\u011fi\u015ftirmediklerini g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcne ald\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda, yerel unsurlar\u0131n sava\u015fmaktan \u00e7ok m\u00fczakerelerde arac\u0131 rol oynad\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 ileri s\u00fcrebiliriz.<\/p>\n

Araplar, Leone Caetani\u2019nin ifadesiyle, ku\u015fatma sava\u015flar\u0131 konusunda ve kale savunmas\u0131na sald\u0131r\u0131 konusunda bilgisizdiler. Hendeklerle g\u00fc\u00e7lendirilmi\u015f bur\u00e7lar ya da kale-\u015fehirler kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm \u00fcretemiyorlard\u0131.[73] Yerel unsurlar\u0131n kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131 da buna bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm bulmalar\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flamam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Araplar\u0131n fetihlere giri\u015ftikleri 600\u2019l\u00fc y\u0131llarda ku\u015fatma sava\u015flar\u0131 \u201cs\u00fcrekli bir sava\u015ftan ziyade \u2026 kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 mesajlar\u0131n iletilmesine ve komutanlar aras\u0131nda el\u00e7ilerin g\u00f6nderilmesine, \u015fehirlerin ileri gelenleriyle ku\u015fatma alt\u0131nda tutan taraf\u0131n komutanlar\u0131 aras\u0131nda gizli haberle\u015fmelere dayal\u0131 bir sava\u015f\u201d[74] haliydi. Bizans ve Sasaniler\u2019in askeri geli\u015fmi\u015flik d\u00fczeyi bak\u0131m\u0131ndan gerisinde olan Araplar ip ve merdiven d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda bir ku\u015fatma arac\u0131na da sahip de\u011fillerdi.[75] Bir \u015fehri ku\u015fatt\u0131klar\u0131nda tek stratejileri, a\u00e7l\u0131k, salg\u0131n hastal\u0131klar ve i\u00e7 \u00e7eli\u015fkiler nedeniyle \u015fehir ahalisinin \u00e7aresiz kal\u0131p \u015fehri teslim etmesini beklemekten ibaretti. Salg\u0131n hastal\u0131klar y\u00f6n\u00fcnden \u015fansl\u0131 olduklar\u0131n\u0131 biliyoruz. Yerel unsurlar\u0131n da burada devreye girdi\u011fi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclebilir. Katk\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n askeri teknikler alan\u0131nda de\u011fil, ku\u015fatma sava\u015flar\u0131ndaki m\u00fczakerelerde \u00f6nem arz etmesi \u00e7ok daha muhtemeldir. \u015eehir ileri gelenlerinin Sasani sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131ndaki tutumlar\u0131 da d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde, y\u00f6neticilerin ge\u00e7mi\u015fteki siyasal model \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde Halifelik ordular\u0131nda yer alan kendilerine yak\u0131n unsurlar\u0131 \u00f6rnek alarak Araplarla anla\u015fmaya varmalar\u0131 \u00e7ok daha olas\u0131yd\u0131.<\/p>\n

Surlar\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7lendirilmi\u015f \u015fehirleri fethetmekten aciz Arap ordular\u0131n\u0131n h\u0131zl\u0131 fetihlerinde bu t\u00fcrden anla\u015fmalar konusundaki esnekliklerinin pay\u0131 vard\u0131. T\u00fcm bu m\u00fczakerelerin \u015fehir ahalisi i\u00e7in neticesini ise biliyoruz: Araplar yerel g\u00fc\u00e7lere dokunmuyor ve y\u00f6netsel i\u015fleyi\u015fi de\u011fi\u015ftirmiyorlard\u0131. Arap fethi, sonu\u00e7 itibariyle, yerel aristokrasi ve g\u00fc\u00e7ler i\u00e7in i\u015fleyi\u015fte bir de\u011fi\u015fiklik getirmiyordu. Vergi tahsilat\u0131, yerel y\u00f6netim do\u011frudan b\u00f6lge ileri gelenlerine b\u0131rak\u0131l\u0131yordu. \u015eu halde \u015fehirlerin \u201csava\u015fmalar\u0131\u201d i\u00e7in ciddi bir gerek\u00e7e bulunmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yleyebiliriz. Bizans\u2019tan yard\u0131m gelmeyece\u011fine karar verdiklerinde, yerel y\u00f6neticiler kendi inisiyatifleriyle direnme gere\u011fi duymuyorlard\u0131. Nitekim Philip K. Hitti\u2019nin de g\u00f6zlemledi\u011fi \u00fczere, Suriye \u015fehirleri domino ta\u015flar\u0131 gibi birbirleri ard\u0131nda d\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015flerdi. Grek isimli ve Grek k\u00f6kenli Antakya gibi \u015fehirler dahi kayda de\u011fer bir direni\u015f g\u00f6stermeden el de\u011fi\u015ftirmi\u015flerdi.[76]<\/p>\n

Direni\u015f eksikli\u011fi<\/strong><\/p>\n

Silah ve askeri e\u011fitim \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011fe sahip Bizans ve Sasani imparatorluklar\u0131n\u0131n Arap ilerleyi\u015fine kar\u015f\u0131 direnebilmeleri m\u00fcmk\u00fcn m\u00fcyd\u00fc? Bu iki b\u00fcy\u00fck imparatorlu\u011fun silah avantajlar\u0131na ra\u011fmen yenilmeleri tarih\u00e7iler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u00e7ok ilgin\u00e7 bir meseledir. Leone Caetani, g\u00f6zle g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr bir k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmseme ile, Araplar\u0131n o s\u0131rada herhangi bir askeri bilgiye dahi sahip olmad\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 ileri s\u00fcr\u00fcyordu.[77] Caetani\u2019nin fikrince, kurakl\u0131\u011f\u0131n ba\u015f g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi Arabistan\u2019da k\u0131tl\u0131\u011fa mahkum olan Araplar maddi zenginli\u011fe sahip yerle\u015fik toplumlar\u0131n topraklar\u0131na sald\u0131rm\u0131\u015flard\u0131; Bizansl\u0131lar ve Perslerce durdurulamamalar\u0131n\u0131n nedeni pe\u015flerinde so\u011fuk nefesini hissettikleri k\u0131tl\u0131kt\u0131. \u00d6nemli \u0130slam tarih\u00e7ilerinden Grunebaum da kurakl\u0131k meselesine de\u011finenler aras\u0131ndad\u0131r. 591 ile 640 aras\u0131nda Arabistan\u2019da ya\u011f\u0131\u015f miktar\u0131n\u0131n azald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yl\u00fcyordu. Step halklar\u0131n\u0131n, o s\u0131rada zay\u0131f durumda bulunan uygar halklar\u0131n b\u00f6lgelerine girmek d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm bulamad\u0131klar\u0131 fikrindeydi.[78]<\/p>\n

\"\"
Ridde Sava\u015flar\u0131 Hz. Muhammed\u2019in \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn sonras\u0131na denk gelir; Hz. Ebu Bekir zaman\u0131 boyunca s\u00fcrer.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Grunebaum kurakl\u0131\u011f\u0131 harekete ge\u00e7irici etkenlerden biri saysa da, d\u00f6nemin iki b\u00fcy\u00fck devletinin zay\u0131flam\u0131\u015f oldu\u011fu ger\u00e7e\u011fini kabul ediyordu. Leone Caetani\u2019de ise, silahlar\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 bir analizini dahi yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131nda, ki \u00e7ok de\u011ferli bir kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rmal\u0131 analizdir, a\u00e7l\u0131\u011f\u0131n silahla olan tarihi kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131nda sava\u015f\u0131 neden a\u00e7l\u0131\u011f\u0131n kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131klamas\u0131 eksiktir. Araplar\u0131n kurakl\u0131k nedeniyle harekete ge\u00e7meleri ile Bizans ve Sasani\u2019nin yenilgileri aras\u0131nda do\u011frudan bir ilinti kurmak g\u00fc\u00e7t\u00fcr. Arabistan i\u00e7i ko\u015fullar\u0131 g\u00f6zeten ama merkeze Arabistan d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki ko\u015fullar\u0131n tahlilini alan bir y\u00f6ntemin daha ger\u00e7ek\u00e7i a\u00e7\u0131klama sunmas\u0131 kan\u0131m\u0131zca m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr.<\/p>\n

628 ile 632 tarihleri aras\u0131nda Sasani \u0130mparatorlu\u011funda bir d\u00fczine h\u00fck\u00fcmdar s\u0131ras\u0131yla \u00e7ok k\u0131sa s\u00fcrelerle iktidar\u0131 al\u0131yordu. 628\u2019de II. H\u00fcsrev \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f ve yerine II. Kavad getirilmi\u015fti. Ama bir y\u0131l i\u00e7inde II. Kavad da, muhtemeldir ki veba y\u00fcz\u00fcnden, \u00f6ld\u00fc. Yerini o\u011flu III. Arde\u015fir ald\u0131; fakat Pers ordusu komutanlar\u0131ndan \u015eahrbaraz, Arde\u015fir\u2019i tan\u0131may\u0131 reddederek \u0130ran taht\u0131na el koyuyordu. B\u00f6ylelikle d\u00f6rt y\u00fczy\u0131l i\u00e7inde ilk kez Sasani ailesinden olmayan bir h\u00fck\u00fcmdar iktidara geliyordu. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla \u015eahrbaraz\u2019a olan diren\u00e7 do\u011fall\u0131kla kuvvetliydi. Nitekim iki ay i\u00e7inde \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. II. H\u00fcsrev\u2019in ya\u015fayan bir o\u011flu olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in, \u015eahrbaraz\u2019dan sonra h\u00fck\u00fcmdarl\u0131\u011fa, II. H\u00fcsrev\u2019in k\u0131z\u0131 Puran geliyordu. Onun da \u00f6mr\u00fc uzun s\u00fcrmemi\u015fti. Puran\u2019dan sonra \u0130ran taht\u0131 \u00e7ok k\u0131sa s\u00fcreli birka\u00e7 h\u00fck\u00fcmdara daha tan\u0131kl\u0131k ediyordu ve en sonunda iktidar III. Yezdigirt\u2019te, H\u00fcsrev\u2019in torunudur, kal\u0131yordu. Sasani taht\u0131n\u0131n suikastlarla ve k\u0131sa s\u00fcreli h\u00fck\u00fcmdarl\u0131klarla sars\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve y\u0131prand\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu d\u00f6nemde Arap ordular\u0131n\u0131n \u0130ran\u2019a sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131 ba\u015fl\u0131yordu. H\u00fck\u00fcmdar kavgalar\u0131yla b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015f Sasanilerin direnememeleri ve bir k\u0131s\u0131m Sasani birli\u011finin Halifelik saf\u0131na ge\u00e7mesi verili ko\u015fullarda beklendik bir geli\u015fme olmal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Bizans i\u00e7in ise 6. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n sonlar\u0131 ve 7. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015flar\u0131 tam bir karga\u015fa d\u00f6nemiydi. Mali g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fckler bir yana, Sasaniler ile sava\u015f, Bizans i\u00e7in 615 y\u0131l\u0131nda Sasani ordular\u0131n\u0131n \u0130stanbul \u00f6nlerine kadar sokulmalar\u0131 anlam\u0131na da geliyordu. Sadece Suriye, Filistin, Mezopotamya ve M\u0131s\u0131r\u2019\u0131 kaybetmemi\u015flerdi; sava\u015f Anadolu \u00fczerinden ba\u015fkente kadar ta\u015f\u0131nm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bizans\u2019\u0131n Sasanilere yan\u0131t\u0131, Pers ordusunu Anadolu\u2019da kar\u015f\u0131lamak ile oyalanmayarak, sava\u015f\u0131 Karadeniz \u00fczerinden ge\u00e7erek Sasani ba\u015fkenti Ktesifon\u2019a kadar ta\u015f\u0131mak oldu. Bunun i\u00e7in gerekli para kiliseden al\u0131nm\u0131\u015ft\u0131; kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131, bor\u00e7lar\u0131n geri \u00f6denebilmesi i\u00e7in Suriye ve Mezopotamya b\u00f6lgesine konan a\u011f\u0131r vergiler oldu. Bu vergilerin Arap fetihlerini kolayla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 muhakkakt\u0131r. Heraclius\u2019un Suriye\u2019deki askerlerinin masraflar\u0131n\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131layan Melkit kilisesi de Bizans h\u00fck\u00fcmdar\u0131na a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 mali krediyi, bor\u00e7lar\u0131n birikmesi nedeniyle kesince art\u0131k \u015eam\u2019da Halifeli\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131 Bizans\u2019\u0131 savunmaya hevesli bir g\u00fc\u00e7 de kalm\u0131yordu.[79] Bu tabloya orduda karga\u015falara yol a\u00e7an ve yap\u0131lamayan \u00f6demeler de eklenmelidir. Nitekim Araplar ilerlemeye ba\u015flad\u0131klar\u0131nda, kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131klar\u0131 Roma ordular\u0131 a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131kl\u0131 olarak yerel ileri gelenler ve toprak sahipleri etraf\u0131nda \u015fehirlerini korumaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan g\u00fc\u00e7lerden olu\u015fuyordu.<\/p>\n

Peter Sarris bu ordular\u0131n jandarman\u0131n biraz daha fazlas\u0131ndan ibaret oldu\u011fu fikrindedir.[80] Sarris, K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck Asya\u2019n\u0131n Suriye\u2019de bir sava\u015f\u0131n y\u00fck\u00fcn\u00fc finanse edecek ve destekleyecek \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde zenginlik \u00fcretmedi\u011fini de \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131nda not ediyor. Demek ki, Bizans\u2019\u0131n Toroslar\u2019\u0131n berisine \u00e7ekilmek d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda pek fazla se\u00e7ene\u011fi kalmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131 ve yap\u0131lan da bu oldu: \u201cHeraclius, Araplara kar\u015f\u0131 yayg\u0131n savunma anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n bir par\u00e7as\u0131 olarak y\u0131k\u0131ma u\u011fram\u0131\u015f ve insan yerle\u015fiminin olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 b\u00f6lgeler olu\u015fturmak i\u00e7in b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7aba harcad\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan 637-641 tarihlerinde Toros Da\u011flar\u0131na yak\u0131n g\u00fcney b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc boyunca s\u0131n\u0131r b\u00f6lgelerini bilin\u00e7li olarak yerle bir etti.\u201d[81] Sonu\u00e7ta Suriye, Filistin ve Mezopotamya\u2019y\u0131 Bizans belirli bir d\u00fczeyde sava\u015farak terk etse de, Toroslar\u2019da tutunabiliyordu.<\/p>\n

Sasanilerden ve Bizans\u2019tan kalan bo\u015flu\u011fu ise Halifelik doldurmu\u015ftu. Araplar antikitenin sonunda, bir y\u0131k\u0131m\u0131n \u00fcst\u00fcne gelmi\u015flerdi ve \u00e7ok k\u0131sa s\u00fcrede \u00e7ok geni\u015f bir co\u011frafyay\u0131 ele ge\u00e7iriyorlard\u0131. Antik d\u00fcnya h\u0131zla y\u0131k\u0131l\u0131yordu; ayakta kalan yerel aristokrasiler ile b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015febilen Araplar ve Halifelik oldu. D\u00fcnya giderek k\u0131rla\u015f\u0131r ve \u015fehirler \u00f6nemlerini ge\u00e7ici bir s\u00fcreli\u011fine de olsa yitirirken, \u00e7\u00f6lden \u00e7\u0131k\u0131p gelen Bedevilerin Roma ve Sasani kal\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131 aras\u0131nda giderek Grekle\u015fecekleri ve \u0130ranl\u0131la\u015facaklar\u0131 Arap egemenli\u011fi d\u00f6nemi ba\u015fl\u0131yordu. \u00c7ok s\u00fcrmemi\u015fti, 661\u2019de Grek ve Arami etkisi Emeviler \u00fczerinde kendisini g\u00f6stermekte gecikmeyecekti. T\u00fcm bir Emevi b\u00fcrokrasisi Grekler ve Aramiler ile doluyordu. 750\u2019de ise \u0130ran ve Zerd\u00fc\u015ft k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc y\u00fcz sene \u00f6ncesinin intikam\u0131n\u0131 al\u0131yordu.[82]<\/p>\n

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\u0130slam\u2019a ge\u00e7tikten sonra \u0130ran.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

\u00d6yle ki, \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131ndan hemen elli sene sonras\u0131nda Mekke\/Medine art\u0131k merkez olmaktan \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015flard\u0131. Emevi egemenli\u011fi ile birlikte eyalet (\u015eam), halifelik merkezine (Mekke) \u00fcst\u00fcn geliyor ve halifelik Mekke\u2019den \u015eam\u2019a ta\u015f\u0131n\u0131yordu. \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n do\u011fu\u015fundan 140 sene sonra ise hilafetin merkezi bu sefer Ba\u011fdat\u2019a g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fcl\u00fcyordu. B\u00f6ylelikle Grek ve Sasani eyaletleri, fatihleri Arabistan ve Mekke\u2019den intikamlar\u0131n\u0131 alm\u0131\u015f oluyorlard\u0131. Wellhausen, halifeli\u011fin \u00f6nce \u015eam\u2019a ve ard\u0131ndan Ba\u011fdat\u2019a ta\u015f\u0131nmas\u0131ndan sonraki Arabistan\u2019\u0131 \u015f\u00f6yle anlat\u0131r: \u201cHilafetin mukaddesli\u011fi bitmi\u015fti, bunun i\u00e7in m\u00fccadele ise bir kudret meselesi olmu\u015ftu. Kudret, kuvvet ise eyaletlerde idi. Kabileler m\u00fchim k\u0131s\u0131mlar\u0131 ile ordugah \u015fehirlere g\u00f6\u00e7m\u00fc\u015fler ve Arabistan merkez-i sikletini kendi topraklar\u0131 haricine nakletmi\u015fti \u2026 Bundan sonra Arabistan umumi hicretle tenhala\u015farak, \u0130slam\u2019dan evvelki seviyenin \u00e7ok a\u015fa\u011f\u0131s\u0131na d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. \u2026 Medine devletin merkezi olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131; kaybedilen mevkii yeniden elde etmek i\u00e7in yap\u0131lan b\u00fct\u00fcn te\u015febb\u00fcsler beyhude oldu. Medine \u2026 Muhammed\u2019in bah\u015fetti\u011fi \u0130slam aristokrasisinin bir kenara at\u0131lm\u0131\u015f \u00fcyelerinin burada oturup arada s\u0131rada iddia ettikleri haklar\u0131 ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131klar\u0131 k\u00fcsk\u00fcnl\u00fck tekkesi olarak kald\u0131.\u201d[83]<\/p>\n

Yerle\u015fik kavimler zamanla merkeze oturmu\u015f ve g\u00f6\u00e7ebe\/yar\u0131 g\u00f6\u00e7ebe Bedevilere galebe \u00e7alm\u0131\u015flard\u0131. D. S. Margoliouth\u2019un, \u0130slam\u2019\u0131 i\u00e7inden \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f oldu\u011fu Arabistan ile \u00f6zde\u015f kabul etmemesi bo\u015funa de\u011fildir.[84] Eyaletler bir kez merkeze oturduklar\u0131nda, eyaletlerdeki gayrim\u00fcslim n\u00fcfus ve yerel y\u00f6neticiler de \u00f6n plana \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yorlard\u0131.<\/p>\n

Y\u00f6neten ilke<\/strong><\/p>\n

Bu noktada \u015fu, zorunlu bir sorudur: Halifelik\u2019teki y\u00f6neten ilke \u0130slam ve Kuran<\/em> ilkeleri miydi; yoksa \u0130ran ve Bizans\u2019\u0131n toplumsal ilkeleri mi? Askeri d\u00fczeni ele alarak tart\u0131\u015fmaya ba\u015flayabiliriz. Patricia Crone erken d\u00f6nem devletlerin ana te\u015fkilatlar\u0131ndan olan Arap askeri \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesinin \u00f6nemli \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde Bizansl\u0131lar ve Persler model al\u0131narak kuruldu\u011funu yaz\u0131yordu. Diyanet\u2019in \u0130slam Ansiklopedisi<\/em>\u2019nin, erken \u0130slam devletlerinde askeri, mali i\u015flerin g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcl\u00fcp karara ba\u011fland\u0131\u011f\u0131 m\u00fcessese olarak tarif etti\u011fi \u201cdivan\u201d kelimesi, Arap\u00e7aya Fars\u00e7adan ge\u00e7mi\u015f bulunuyordu; kelime k\u00f6keni ise Aramiceydi.[85] Ansiklopedi<\/em>\u2019de \u00d6mer\u2019in bu m\u00fcesseseyi fetihlerin ard\u0131ndan kurdu\u011fu bilgisi de yer al\u0131yor; demek ki, divan te\u015fkilat\u0131 Araplar\u0131n \u0130ranl\u0131lar ile tan\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Divanda tutulan defterlerde fetihlere kat\u0131lan ki\u015filerin listesi de yer al\u0131yordu. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla te\u015fkilat\u0131n temelinin, askeri eylemlerin ve bu eylemlere kat\u0131lanlar\u0131n \u00fccretlendirilmesi oldu\u011funu da s\u00f6yleyebiliyoruz.<\/p>\n

Divan\u2019\u0131n cizye, hara\u00e7 gibi vergilerden elde edilen gelirlerin M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlara da\u011f\u0131t\u0131lmas\u0131ndan sorumlu oldu\u011fu da Ansiklopedi<\/em>\u2019nin verdi\u011fi bilgiler aras\u0131nda yer al\u0131yor. Cizye, hara\u00e7 terimlerinin ise do\u011frudan do\u011fruya \u0130ran mali terminolojisinin bir tekrar\u0131 oldu\u011funu E. A. Belyaev The Arab Caliphate<\/em> \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131nda not ediyor.[86] Erken d\u00f6nem \u0130slam toplumundaki vergi \u00fczerine \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan Daniel C. Dennet ise Arap vergi sisteminin neredeyse Pers sisteminin ayn\u0131s\u0131 oldu\u011funu ileri s\u00fcr\u00fcyordu. \u00d6yle ki, Pers vergi sisteminin incelemenin Arap vergi sistemini a\u00e7\u0131klamak anlam\u0131na gelece\u011fini dahi savunuyordu: \u201cSince the Arab tax system was virtually the same as the Persian, a study of the latter will explain the former\u201d.[87] Eski Sasani b\u00f6lgeleri olan Irak ve \u0130ran taraf\u0131 i\u00e7in ge\u00e7erli olan, bu vergi d\u00fczenidir. Suriye b\u00f6lgesinde ise Arap fetihlerine ra\u011fmen Bizans vergi sistemi ge\u00e7erlili\u011fini koruyama devam ediyordu. \u015eu halde vergilerden yola \u00e7\u0131karak \u015funu ileri s\u00fcrmek m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr: Tar\u0131msal \u00fcretimin vergilendirilmesinin, bu d\u00f6nem devletlerinin temel zenginlik kayna\u011f\u0131 oldu\u011fu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclecek olursa, vergiyi Orta\u00e7a\u011f d\u00f6nemi devletlerinin \u00fczerinde y\u00fckseldi\u011fi zemin olarak d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnebiliriz ve bu zeminin do\u011frudan do\u011fruya Sasanilerden ve Bizans\u2019tan al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 anlayabiliyoruz.<\/p>\n

Bizans\u2019\u0131n Araplar \u00fczerindeki etkisini Nadia Maria El Cheikh\u2019ten uzunca bir al\u0131nt\u0131yla ayr\u0131nt\u0131land\u0131rabiliriz. Araplar\u0131n G\u00f6z\u00fcyle Bizans<\/em> kitab\u0131nda El Cheikh, Emeviler \u00fczerindeki bu etkiyi \u015f\u00f6yle anlat\u0131yordu: \u201c\u2026 imparatorlu\u011fun etkisi, \u00f6zellikle erken \u0130slam d\u00f6neminde, M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131n \u2026 emperyal rakibinin bi\u00e7im ve uygulamalar\u0131n\u0131 taklit etmekten \u00e7ekinmedikleri bir zamanda bir model devlet olarak en g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc \u015fekilde hissedildi. \u0130dari ve iktisadi alanda Bizans etkisi, adli ve mali geleneklerine dayan\u0131lmas\u0131na hatta devlet kay\u0131tlar\u0131nda Yunancan\u0131n kullan\u0131lmas\u0131yla, dile bile yans\u0131m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bizans a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131k ve \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fc standartlar\u0131 da korunmu\u015ftur. B\u00f6ylece Emeviler taraf\u0131ndan se\u00e7ilen idari usuller ve siyasal yap\u0131n\u0131n k\u00f6keni Bizans olmu\u015ftur.\u201d El Cheikh bu tespitlerinin ard\u0131ndan mimari alanda da Araplar\u0131n Bizans\u2019\u0131 taklit ettiklerini yaz\u0131yordu: \u201cM\u00fcsl\u00fcman Araplar ayn\u0131 zamanda Bizans mimari tekniklerini de ald\u0131lar ve diktikleri binalar\u0131 in\u015fa etmekte, bezemekte ve son ayr\u0131nt\u0131larda Bizansl\u0131 ustalar\u0131 kulland\u0131lar.\u201d[88] Denebilir ki, Araplar\u0131n fethettikleri topraklarda Bizans ve Sasani imparatorluklar\u0131 h\u00e2l\u00e2 ya\u015famaya devam ediyordu. Nitekim Mansur d\u00f6neminde ba\u015flayan \u00e7eviri hareketinde \u00e7evrilen kaynaklar\u0131n \u00f6nemli bir kesimini de Grek\u00e7e ve Pehlevice kaynaklar olu\u015fturuyordu.<\/p>\n

Bizans ve Sasani ruhunun Arap devleti i\u00e7erisinde ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6sterebilecek ba\u015fka bilgilere de sahibiz. Arap divan\u0131n\u0131n hicret sonras\u0131nda, uzun say\u0131labilecek bir d\u00f6nem boyunca gayrim\u00fcslimler taraf\u0131ndan \u015eam\u2019da Grek\u00e7e ve Kufe\u2019de Fars\u00e7a tutuldu\u011funu biliyoruz. Ama hen\u00fcz eklenecekler var. Halifelik d\u00fczeninin mali yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 bir g\u00f6vde olarak ele al\u0131rsak, bu g\u00f6vdenin damarlar\u0131nda kan Grek ve Fars sikkeleri halinde dola\u015f\u0131yordu. Araplar \u0130slam \u00f6ncesi d\u00f6nemde \u00fc\u00e7 t\u00fcr madeni para kullan\u0131yorlard\u0131: a) Bizans alt\u0131n sikkesi b) Sasani g\u00fcm\u00fc\u015f sikkesi c) Yemen sikkesi. Araplar \u0130slam\u2019\u0131 benimsemelerinden sonra da bu paralar\u0131 kullanmaya devam ettiler; dola\u015f\u0131mdaki paray\u0131 de\u011fi\u015ftirme gere\u011fi duymam\u0131\u015flard\u0131. Wellhausen\u2019\u0131n verdi\u011fi bilgiye g\u00f6re, Halifelik para bast\u0131\u011f\u0131nda da bunu \u0130ran ve Bizans tipi madeni paralar\u0131 taklit ederek yap\u0131yordu. Ancak hicretten sonra 74 y\u0131l\u0131ndad\u0131r ki, Araplar kendi alt\u0131n sikkelerini basmaya ba\u015flam\u0131\u015flard\u0131. Julius Wellhausen, Muaviye\u2019nin daha erken bir evrede de para bast\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ancak bast\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu paran\u0131n \u00fczerinde ha\u00e7 i\u015fareti yer almad\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in kabul edilmedi\u011fi bilgisini de veriyor.[89] \u00d6yleyse, sikkeler d\u00fczeyinde Sasani ve Bizans\u2019\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc de tespit edilebilmektedir.<\/p>\n

Yerel y\u00f6netimlerin Bizans ve Sasani d\u00f6nemi h\u00fck\u00fcmetleri g\u00f6revlilerinin ellerinde b\u0131rak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 da hat\u0131rland\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, daha \u00f6nce yaz\u0131 i\u00e7erisinde yer vermi\u015f oldu\u011fumuz, Peter Sarris\u2019in Arap egemenli\u011fi alt\u0131nda Roma\u2019n\u0131n ve Sasani d\u00fczeninin i\u015flemeye devam etti\u011fi iddias\u0131 yerine oturmaktad\u0131r. B\u00fcrokratik mekanizmalara sahip olan s\u00f6z konusu iki imparatorlu\u011fun d\u00fczeni Halifelik\u2019te sadece y\u00f6neticiler ve ordu d\u00fczeyinde de\u011fil, dola\u015f\u0131mdaki paralar, vergiler ve vergi memurlar\u0131 d\u00fczeyinde dahi i\u015flemeye devam ediyordu. Halifeli\u011fin te\u015fkilat d\u00fczeyindeki ve iktisadi anlamdaki zemini ve i\u015fleyi\u015fi Bizans ve Sasani devletlerinden ibaret olarak kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n

\"\"
\u0130slam, t\u00fcm bir \u0130slam tarihinin iddias\u0131n\u0131n aksine, sanki yay\u0131lmamak \u00fczere do\u011fmu\u015ftu; fetihlere dini bir nitelik arac\u0131l\u0131k etmiyordu.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Son s\u00f6z<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00d6yleyse, art\u0131k ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7taki soruya d\u00f6nebiliriz: \u0130slam tarihinden \u0130slam motiflerini kaz\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda, bu motiflerin alt\u0131nda k\u0131m\u0131ldayan \u00e7ift ba\u015fl\u0131 kartal\u0131 ya da simurgu g\u00f6rmemek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn m\u00fcd\u00fcr? Her arkeolojik eserde oldu\u011fu \u00fczere, ger\u00e7ek topra\u011f\u0131n alt\u0131nda, \u0130slam tarih\u00e7ilerinin ve \u0130slamc\u0131lar\u0131n mitlerinin alt\u0131nda gizlidir. Bu ger\u00e7e\u011fi ortaya \u00e7\u0131karmak ise, s\u00f6z konusu toprak kitlesini temizlemeyi, ba\u015fka deyi\u015fle, dini mitlerden ar\u0131nmay\u0131 g\u00f6ze almak demektir. \u0130slam, t\u00fcm bir \u0130slam tarihinin iddias\u0131n\u0131n aksine, sanki yay\u0131lmamak \u00fczere do\u011fmu\u015ftu; fetihlere dini bir nitelik arac\u0131l\u0131k etmiyordu. Halifelik y\u00f6netiminde dinin tebli\u011finden ve \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n ilkelerinden \u00e7ok, h\u00e2l\u00e2 Bizans ve Sasani k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn s\u00f6z\u00fc ge\u00e7iyordu. Demek ki, zaman\u0131n tarihinde sesi duyulanlar bu iki k\u00fclt\u00fcrd\u00fc; T\u00fcrk-\u0130slam tarih\u00e7ilerince sesleri k\u0131s\u0131lanlar da bunlar oldular. \u00d6yleyse tarih h\u00e2l\u00e2 yaz\u0131lmay\u0131 beklemektedir.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Dipnotlar<\/strong><\/p>\n

[1] \u00d6rne\u011fin W. Montgomery Watt \u015funlar\u0131 yaz\u0131yordu: \u201c\u2026 7. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n sonlar\u0131nda kimi M\u00fcsl\u00fcman liderler kelle vergisini azaltt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve b\u00fct\u00e7eyi bozdu\u011fu i\u00e7in ihtiday\u0131 fiili olarak desteklemediler. Cihat, \u0130slam \u0130mparatorlu\u011funun askeri yollardan geni\u015flemesini sa\u011flad\u0131ysa da, do\u011frudan ihtidalara yol a\u00e7mad\u0131.\u201d W. Montgomenry Watt, \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n Orta\u00e7a\u011f Avrupas\u0131 \u00dczerindeki Etkisi<\/em>, \u00e7ev: \u00dcmit H\u00fcsrev Yolsal, BilgeSu Yay., Ankara, 2013, s.19. Daniel Pipes ise ayn\u0131 konuda \u015funlar\u0131 yaz\u0131yor: \u201cContrary to common belief, jihad (Islamic holy war) should be undertaken to spread not the religion of Islam but its rule.\u201d Daniel Pipes, \u201cMawlas: Freed Slaves and Converts In Early Islam\u201d, Muslims and Others In Early Islamic Society<\/em>, ed: Robert Hoyland, Ashgate Publishing, 2004, p.289.<\/p>\n

[2] E. A. Belyaev bu fikri savunuyordu, Suriye\u2019de Bizans egemenli\u011finin \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fc ile heterodoks H\u0131ristiyanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcndeki ortodoksi engelinin kalkt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ileri s\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc: \u201cThe influence of the Syrian Christian clergy was particularly enhanced under Arab dominion; with the fall of Byzantine overlordship in Syria, persecution of heterodox Christians, the opponents of Greco-Byzantine orthodoxy, ceased\u2026\u201d Bkz: E. A. Belyaev, Arabs,<\/em> Islam and The Arab Caliphate<\/em>, Israel University Press, Jerusalem, 1969, p.157, 158.<\/p>\n

[3] Claude Cahen, \u201cSocio-Economic History and Islamic Studies\u201d, Muslims and Others In Early Islamic Society<\/em>, ed: Robert Hoyland, Ashgate Publishing, 2004, p.270.<\/p>\n

[4] Peter Sarris \u015funlar\u0131 yaz\u0131yor: \u201cIn both Arab controlled Egypt and Iraq, \u2018Muslim rule\u2019 paradoxically meant stronger bishops.\u201d Bkz: Peter Sarris, Empires of Faith<\/em>, Oxford University Press, New York, p.277.<\/p>\n

[5] Peter Sarris, Empires of Faith<\/em>, Oxford University Press, New York, p.277.<\/p>\n

[6] \u201cOn the Muslim side, it would be appear that in this period there was no concerted effort to convert these who were not Arabs.\u201d Bkz: Claude Cahen, \u201cSocio-Economic History and Islamic Studies\u201d, Muslims and Others In Early Islamic Society<\/em>, ed: Robert Hoyland, Ashgate Publishing, 2004, p.265.<\/p>\n

[7] Julius Wellhausen, Arap Devleti ve S\u00fck\u00fbtu<\/em>, \u00e7ev: Fikret I\u015f\u0131ltan, Ankara \u00dcniversitesi Bas\u0131mevi, Ankara, 1963, s.11, 12.<\/p>\n

[8] Bu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin kelimesi kelimesine ifadesi Patricia Crone\u2019da yer al\u0131yor: \u201cThey did not encourage, and even discouraged, conversions to Islam from the subject populations\u2026\u201d Bkz: Daniel Pipes, \u201cMawlas: Freed Slaves and Converts In Early Islam\u201d, Muslims and Others In Early Islamic Society<\/em>, ed: Robert Hoyland, Ashgate Publishing, 2004, p.289.<\/p>\n

[9] A. A. Vasiliev, Bizans \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu Tarihi<\/em>, \u00e7ev: Tevabil Alka\u00e7, Alfa Yay., \u0130stanbul, 2016, s.248.<\/p>\n

[10] \u201cIn the late seventh and early eight centuries, when the conversion of free non-Muslims began adversely to affect their revenues, the authorities tried to stop the inflow of new Muslims. The conquered people paid the taxes the Arabs were living off and converts ceased to pay, being always people who had left the land, involuntarily or of their own free will, as captives or as runaway peasants. Finding their revenues diminished, the authorities would every now and again deem the conversion of runaway peasants to be invalid and round them up in the garrison cities for deportation to their villages.\u201d Bkz: Patricia Crone, \u201cImperial Trauma: The Case Of The Arabs\u201d, From Arabian Tribes to Islamic Empire<\/em>, Ashgate Publishing, Hampshire, 2008, p.113.<\/p>\n

[11] E. A. Belyaev, Arabs,<\/em> Islam and The Arab Caliphate<\/em>, Israel University Press, Jerusalem, 1969, p.139.<\/p>\n

[12] Claude Cahen, \u201cSocio-Economic History and Islamic Studies\u201d, Muslims and Others In Early Islamic Society<\/em>, ed: Robert Hoyland, Ashgate Publishing, 2004, p.269.<\/p>\n

[13] Patricia Crone Abbasi devletinin kurulu\u015fu ile iktidardaki Arap tekelinin ortadan kalkt\u0131\u011f\u0131 iddias\u0131ndad\u0131r: \u201cA little over fifty years later, civil war broke out again (744-750), and this time the outcome was a revolution that swept away the rest of the Arab monopoly on military and political power at all levels except the very top: the caliph himself remained an Arab. But he was one of a very special type (a member of the prophet\u2019s family); his army was mixed descent, recruited in eastern Iran and originally Persian speaking; his bureaucracy was mostly native Iraqi (of partly Christian and partly Zoroastrian origin)\u2026 In effect, the Arabs only ruled their empire for a century, from c. 650 to 750\u2026\u201d Bkz: Patricia Crone, \u201cImperial Trauma: The Case Of The Arabs\u201d, From Arabian Tribes to Islamic Empire<\/em>, Ashgate Publishing, Hampshire, 2008, p.110, 111.<\/p>\n

[14] \u201c.. the chances are that the peasants fervently accepted Islam as the key to a new and better life and looked to Mohammed as their saviour in this world and the next alike. But whatever went on in their interior, the authorities usually reacted as one might expect, namely by treating them as illegal immigrants and repatriating them. Since such converts are not accepted as members of Muslim society \u2026 One did not become a lawful member of Umayyad society by a mere change of faith, any more than one becomes a lawful member of American society today by mere belief in capitalism, however fervent one\u2019s convictions may be.\u201d Bkz: Patricia Crone, \u201cThe Pay of Client Soldiers In The Umayyad Period\u201d, From Arabian Tribes to Islamic Empire<\/em>, Ashgate Publishing, Hampshire, 2008, p.297, 298.<\/p>\n

[15] W. Barthold, \u0130slam Medeniyeti Tarihi<\/em>, Diyanet \u0130\u015fleri Ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 Yay., Ankara, 1957, s.21.<\/p>\n

[16] Daniel C. Dennet, Jr, \u201cConversion and The Poll Tax In Early Islam\u201d, Islamic Taxation<\/em>, Arno Press, New York, 1973, p.32, 33.<\/p>\n

[17] Daniel C. Dennet, Jr, \u201cConversion and The Poll Tax In Early Islam\u201d, Islamic Taxation<\/em>, Arno Press, New York, 1973, p.14, 15.<\/p>\n

[18] Daniel C. Dennet, Jr, \u201cConversion and The Poll Tax In Early Islam\u201d, Islamic Taxation<\/em>, Arno Press, New York, 1973, p.33.<\/p>\n

[19] M. A. Shaban, Islamic History<\/em>, Cambridge University Press, London, 1971, p.49.<\/p>\n

[20] M. A. Shaban, Islamic History<\/em>, Cambridge University Press, London, 1971, p.37, 39.<\/p>\n

[21] E. A. Belyaev, Arabs,<\/em> Islam and The Arab Caliphate<\/em>, Israel University Press, Jerusalem, 1969, p.136.<\/p>\n

[22] E. A. Belyaev, Arabs,<\/em> Islam and The Arab Caliphate<\/em>, Israel University Press, Jerusalem, 1969, p.131. Belyaev\u2019in aktard\u0131klar\u0131 aras\u0131nda vergi hukukuna ili\u015fkin s\u00f6yledikleri \u00f6zellikle \u00f6nemlidir. 600\u2019l\u00fc y\u0131llar ve erken orta\u00e7a\u011f, devlet ile vergiyi birbirinden ay\u0131rman\u0131n m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir d\u00f6nemdi; devletin kayda de\u011fer bir sosyal nitelik ta\u015f\u0131mad\u0131\u011f\u0131 b\u00f6ylesi bir d\u00fczende, devlet ile vergi neredeyse e\u015f anlaml\u0131yd\u0131.<\/p>\n

[23] M. A. Shaban, Islamic History<\/em>, Cambridge University Press, London, 1971, p.43.<\/p>\n

[24] Erken Abbasi d\u00f6nemindeki \u00e7eviri hareketini inceleyen Dimitri Gutas \u0130slam toplumlar\u0131na \u00f6zg\u00fc uleman\u0131n dahi ancak Yunan ve Pehlevi kaynaklar\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7evrilmesi s\u0131ras\u0131nda ve hatta bu \u00e7eviri hareketinin ard\u0131ndan olu\u015ftu\u011funu ileri s\u00fcrmektedir: \u201cSon olarak belirtmek gerekir ki, \u0130slam toplumlar\u0131na \u00f6zg\u00fc \u2018ulema\u2019, yani toplumun e\u011fitimli se\u00e7kinleri kavram\u0131 da bu konuda pek i\u015fe yaramamaktad\u0131r; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu kesim de \u00e7eviri hareketi s\u0131ras\u0131nda \u2013asl\u0131nda geni\u015f \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde bu hareketin sonucunda- olu\u015fmu\u015ftu.\u201d Bkz: Dimitri Gutas, Yunanca D\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce Arap\u00e7a K\u00fclt\u00fcr<\/em>, \u00e7ev: L\u00fctf\u00fc \u015eim\u015fek, Kitap Yay\u0131nevi, \u0130stanbul, 2015, s.18.<\/p>\n

[25] Julius Wellhausen, Arap Devleti ve S\u00fck\u00fbtu<\/em>, \u00e7ev: Fikret I\u015f\u0131ltan, Ankara \u00dcniversitesi Bas\u0131mevi, Ankara, 1963, s.15.<\/p>\n

[26] Welhausen \u015funlar\u0131 kaydediyor: \u201cGrek ve Pers sistemi tabiatiyle muhafaza olunmu\u015f, sadece dil de\u011fi\u015fmi\u015fti. Hi\u00e7 \u015f\u00fcphesiz, herhalde Arap\u00e7aya vak\u0131f olan Bizans ve \u0130ran memurlar\u0131 da yerlerinde kald\u0131lar. Kufe\u2019deki intikali idare eden Salih b. Abdurrahman bizar Sicistanl\u0131 bir \u0130ranl\u0131 idi \u2026 Arap\u00e7aya terc\u00fcme edebilmek i\u00e7in tabiatiyle Fars\u00e7a ve Grek\u00e7eyi anlamak gerekti. D\u0131ma\u015fk\u2019ta Bizansl\u0131 Sergius Abd\u00fclmelik zaman\u0131nda da, Muaviye ve Yezid devrinde haiz olmu\u015f bulundu\u011fu n\u00fcfuzlu mevkii muhafaza etti \u2026 Divan dili Grek\u00e7enin yerine Arap\u00e7an\u0131n ikamesi Velid I. Devrine vaz\u2019eden Theophanes \u2026 Araplar\u0131n Grek rakam i\u015faretlerini muhafaza zorunda kald\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 ve noterliklerin hala H\u0131ristiyanlar\u0131n elinde kalm\u0131\u015f oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yler. Filhakika Bizansl\u0131 tarih\u00e7inin eserini yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 Abbasi devrinde H\u0131ristiyan m\u00fc\u015favirler her zaman oldu\u011fundan ziyade n\u00fcfuzlu, kudretli ve nefret edilen \u015fah\u0131slar idiler.\u201d Bkz: Julius Wellhausen, Arap Devleti ve S\u00fck\u00fbtu<\/em>, \u00e7ev: Fikret I\u015f\u0131ltan, Ankara \u00dcniversitesi Bas\u0131mevi, Ankara, 1963, s.104.<\/p>\n

[27] Peter Sarris, Empires of Faith<\/em>, Oxford University Press, New York, p.278.<\/p>\n

[28] Claude Cahen, \u201cSocio-Economic History and Islamic Studies\u201d, Muslims and Others In Early Islamic Society<\/em>, ed: Robert Hoyland, Ashgate Publishing, 2004, p.267.<\/p>\n

[29] Dimitri Gutas son derece ilgin\u00e7 \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 Yunanca d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce Arap\u00e7a K\u00fclt\u00fcr<\/em> ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 kitab\u0131nda Abbasi y\u00f6netimi \u00fczerine \u015funlar\u0131 yaz\u0131yor: \u201c\u0130lk Abbasi halifelerinin bu politikalar\u0131n\u0131n alt\u0131nda yatan temel nedenleri anlayabilmek i\u00e7in, ilk Abbasi y\u00f6netiminin imparatorluk ideolojisini, daha da \u00f6nemlisi, bu ideolojinin bi\u00e7imlenmesinde Zerd\u00fc\u015ft\u00e7\u00fc Sasanilerin oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131 rol\u00fc anlamak zorunday\u0131z. (\u2026) Abbasilerin iktidara gelmesinde en \u00e7ok etkisi olan \u2018\u0130ran\u2019 hizbiydi. Bu grup esas olarak ilk fetihlerle birlikte Horasan\u2019a giden ve sonradan y\u00f6rede ya\u015fayanlarla \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015fen Arap kabilelerinden, \u0130ranl\u0131la\u015fm\u0131\u015f Araplardan, \u0130slamiyetin y\u00fckseli\u015finden \u00f6nce Sasani \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu alt\u0131nda ya\u015fam\u0131\u015f olan Aramilerden, \u0130slamiyeti kabul eden \u0130ranl\u0131lardan ve art\u0131k Arap fetihlerinden geriye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kabul etmek zorunda kalan Zerd\u00fc\u015ft\u00e7\u00fc \u0130ranl\u0131lardan \u2013 Mansur zaman\u0131nda \u0130ranl\u0131lar\u0131n \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu hala Zerd\u00fc\u015ft\u2019e inan\u0131rd\u0131 \u2013 olu\u015fuyordu \u2026 \u0130lk Abbasi halifelerinin kendilerini b\u00fct\u00fcn bu gruplar nezdinde me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131rmak i\u00e7in se\u00e7tikleri yol, imparatorluk ideolojisini \u2018\u0130ran\u2019 unsurunun kayg\u0131lar\u0131na yan\u0131t verecek \u015fekilde geni\u015fletmekti \u2026 Irak\u2019\u0131n do\u011fusundaki n\u00fcfusun geni\u015f kesimleri aras\u0131nda hala egemen k\u00fclt\u00fcr olan Sasani k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc Abbasi k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn ana potas\u0131na katabildiler.\u201d Bkz: Dimitri Gutas, Yunanca D\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce Arap\u00e7a K\u00fclt\u00fcr<\/em>, \u00e7ev: L\u00fctf\u00fc \u015eim\u015fek, Kitap Yay\u0131nevi, \u0130stanbul, 2015, s.38, 39.<\/p>\n

[30] \u201cThe doctrine of jihad borrowed the practices of the razzias perpetrated by the nomads\u2026\u201d Bkz: Bat Ye\u2019or, The Decline Of Eastern Christianity Under Islam<\/em>, Dickenson University Press, New Jersey, 1996, p.39.<\/p>\n

[31] Hugh Kennedy, The Prophet And The Age Of The Caliphs<\/em>, Longman, New York, 1986, p.21.<\/p>\n

[32] Bat Ye\u2019or ayn\u0131 konuda \u015funlar\u0131 s\u00f6yler: \u201cOutside the oases, the desert vegetation of Arabia could only feed the flocks of nomads, dependent on seasonal transhumance. Linked by tribal ties or joined in powerful warlike confederation as in north and central Arabia, these tribes carried out razzias on the oases and the caravans.\u201d Bkz: Bat Ye\u2019or, The Decline Of Eastern Christianity Under Islam<\/em>, Dickenson University Press, New Jersey, 1996, p.35, 36.<\/p>\n

[33] \u201cThere the exceptionally important and fabled dam of Ma\u2019rib broke in 450; the kingdom was strong enough to call on the surrounding tribes to mend it without delay. When the disaster repeated itself in 542 the ruler had to engage in ardous negotiations with the local feudal lords to ensure voluntary collaboration to reconstruct it. A generation later political disintegration had reached such a point that the third break of the dam in 570 could not be repaired and the catastrophe resulted in a great loss of fertile land.\u201d Bkz: G. E. von Grunebaum, Classical Islam, A History 600-1258<\/em>, Aldine Publishing Company, Chicago, 1970, p.19.<\/p>\n

[34] Hugh Kennedy Mekke \u00fczerine \u015fu bilgiyi veriyor: \u201cTrade was no luxury for the people of Mecca. The site of the city is barren and rocky and no agriculture was possible except with great expense and difficulty. The water supply was dependent on wells, notably the sacred well of Zamzam, the maintenance of which played a large part in the city life. This meant that virtually all food had to be imported.\u201d Bkz: Hugh Kennedy, The Prophet And The Age Of The Caliphs<\/em>, Longman, New York, 1986, p.27.<\/p>\n

[35] Henri Pirenne, Orta\u00e7a\u011f Avrupas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n Ekonomik ve Sosyal Tarihi<\/em>, \u00e7ev: Uygur Kocaba\u015fo\u011flu, \u0130leti\u015fim Yay., \u0130stanbul, 2014, s.32, 34.<\/p>\n

[36] \u201c\u2026 Muhammed needed the harmonious cooperation of the muhajirun with the Medinan \u2018helpers\u2019, ansar \u2013 This in its turn required the economic independence of the immigrants. In the circumstances Muhammed had no other choice but to ensure this independence by raids on Meccan caravans.\u201d Bkz: G. E. von Grunebaum, Classical Islam, A History 600-1258<\/em>, Aldine Publishing Company, Chicago, 1970, p.35. Ama bu hale sadece muhacirlere maddi bir imkan sa\u011flamak \u00f6te bir anlama da sahipti. Mekke kervanlar\u0131n\u0131n ya\u011fmalanmas\u0131, topraklar\u0131 tar\u0131ma izin vermedi\u011fi i\u00e7in d\u0131\u015far\u0131dan gelecek yiyecek maddelerine muhta\u00e7 olan Mekke\u2019yi zor durumda b\u0131rak\u0131yordu. Bu hamlenin Mekke \u00fczerindeki etkisini Hugh Kennedy \u015f\u00f6yle yorumluyordu: \u201cThis would not only destroy the commerce on which the prosperity of the enemy depended but would also eventually starve the city into surrender since it relied on imported food.\u201d Bkz: Hugh Kennedy, The Prophet And The Age Of The Caliphs<\/em>, Longman, New York, 1986, p. 35. Ama Kennedy\u2019nin yorumu i\u00e7in bir d\u00fczeltme zorunludur; Mekke kervanlar\u0131na y\u00f6nelik sald\u0131r\u0131lar hi\u00e7bir zaman Mekke\u2019yi bu konuma d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrecek \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcye varmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. K\u0131sa s\u00fcre i\u00e7erisinde Mekkelilerin tepki g\u00f6sterdiklerini ve Medine \u00f6nlerinde g\u00f6r\u00fcnd\u00fcklerini biliyoruz.<\/p>\n

[37] \u201cGazve denilen bu sava\u015flar \u00e7apulculu\u011fu (ya\u011fma) me\u015fru bir kazan\u00e7 haline getirmi\u015ftir.\u201d Bkz: \u015eemsettin G\u00fcnaltay, \u0130slam \u00d6ncesi Araplar ve Dinleri<\/em>, Ankara Okulu Yay., Ankara, 1997, 32.<\/p>\n

[38] \u201cBut in Arabia raiding of trade caravans was a recognised hazard, and although every possible arrangement was made to ensure security, raiding was traditional unless agreements were reached with people along the trade routes.\u201d Bkz: M. A. Shaban, Islamic History<\/em>, Cambridge University Press, London, 1971, p.12.<\/p>\n

[39] Hugh Kennedy, The Prophet And The Age Of The Caliphs<\/em>, Longman, New York, 1986, p.59.<\/p>\n

[40] Ridde \u00fczerine Grunebaum \u015fu yorumu yapar: \u201cIt is worth noting that this falling away (ridda) was not accompanied by any reanimation of the pagan religion. The rebellious Bedouin simply left, by unilateral declaration, the alliance that had secured to the Medinans a dominating influence over the greater part of the peninsula.\u201d Bkz: G. E. von Grunebaum, Classical Islam, A History 600-1258<\/em>, Aldine Publishing Company, Chicago, 1970, p.50, 51. Belyaev de Grunebaum ile benzer bir bi\u00e7imde Ridde\u2019nin dinen putperestli\u011fe d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f anlam\u0131na gelmedi\u011fini yaz\u0131yordu: \u201cThe ridda<\/em> was thus by no means a rel\u0131gious apostasy.\u201d Bkz: E. A. Belyaev, Arabs,<\/em> Islam and The Arab Caliphate<\/em>, Israel University Press, Jerusalem, 1969, p.124. Ama Belyaev bununla yetinmemi\u015fti, Muhammed zaman\u0131nda bu kabilelerin \u0130slam\u2019a ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n da tart\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 oldu\u011fu kanaatindeydi. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla asl\u0131nda inanmad\u0131klar\u0131 \u0130slam\u2019dan d\u00f6nm\u00fc\u015f de olmuyorlard\u0131.<\/p>\n

[41] \u201cSuch Arab forays in Sasanian territories had been a pre-Islamic practise which continued in spite of the advent of Islam. In fact they were now an economic necessity, not because of over-population in Arabia, but because trade, especially after the ridda wars, was in ruins \u2026 After a decade of war trade in Arabia was at a standstill and there was no sign of its early resumption. If the new Madinan regime wanted to survive and strengthen its hold over its followers a new source of income had to be found to compensate for the loss of trade\u2026\u201d Bkz: M. A. Shaban, Islamic History<\/em>, Cambridge University Press, London, 1971, p.24, 25.<\/p>\n

[42] M. A. Shaban, Islamic History<\/em>, Cambridge University Press, London, 1971, p.27.<\/p>\n

[43] M. A. Shaban, Islamic History<\/em>, Cambridge University Press, London, 1971, p.24, 25, 28, 30, 31<\/p>\n

[44] Tam ifadesi \u015f\u00f6yledir: \u201cThe nemesis of the over-rapid conquest of the Arabs \u2013 and the political tragedy of Islam \u2013 was that the Islamic ideology never found its proper and articulated expression in the political institutions of the Islamic states.\u201d Bkz: H. A. R. Gibb, Studies On The Civilisation Of Islam<\/em>, Routledge & Kegan Paul Ltd., London, 1962, p.45.<\/p>\n

[45] Leone Caetani, \u201cThe Art Of War Of The Arabs, And The Supposed Religious Fervour Of The Arab Conquerors\u201d, The Expansion Of The Early Islamic State<\/em>, ed: Fred M. Donner, Ashgate\/Varium, Cornwall, 2008, p.9, 10.<\/p>\n

[46] A. A. Vasiliev, Bizans \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu Tarihi<\/em>, \u00e7ev: Tevabil Alka\u00e7, Alfa Yay., \u0130stanbul, 2016, s.245.<\/p>\n

[47] W. Montgomery Watt, Islamic Political Thought<\/em>, Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh, 1987, p.17.<\/p>\n

[48] Hugh Kennedy, The Prophet And The Age Of The Caliphs<\/em>, Longman, New York, 1986, p.27.<\/p>\n

[49] Walter E. Kaegi \u00f6demeler konusunda \u015funlar\u0131 yaz\u0131yor: \u201cBizans y\u00f6netiminin m\u00fcttefik Arap kabilelerine yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6demeleri durdurmas\u0131 ola\u011fand\u0131\u015f\u0131 bir durum de\u011fildi. Heraclius\u2019un Perslilere kar\u015f\u0131 kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131 zaferden sonra, askerlere yap\u0131lan \u00f6demeler de dahil olmak \u00fczere b\u00fct\u00fcn askeri harcamalarda ciddi bir tasarrufa gidilmi\u015fti \u2026 D\u00fczensiz ordulara yap\u0131lan ekonomik yard\u0131mda kesintiye gidilmesi ve \u00f6deme yap\u0131lmamas\u0131 sadece Araplara kar\u015f\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclen bir politika de\u011fildi. Bu genel bir uygulamayd\u0131 ve bu ba\u011flamda anla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 gerekir.\u201d Bkz: Walter E. Kaegi, Bizans ve \u0130lk \u0130slam Fetihleri<\/em>, \u00e7ev: Mehmet \u00d6zay, Kakn\u00fcs Yay., \u0130stanbul, 2000, s.146.<\/p>\n

[50] Bu ifadenin asl\u0131 ve ku\u015fkusuz daha g\u00fczeli, d\u00f6nemin kalemlerinden Penkaye\u2019de yer al\u0131yor: \u201c\u2026 what the famine had left, the plague devoured, what the plague left over, the sword finished off\u2026\u201d Bkz: Michael G. Morony, \u201c\u2018For Whom Does The Writer Write?\u2019 The First Bubonic Plague Pandemic According To Syriac Sources\u201d, Plague And The End Of Antiquity<\/em>, Cambridge University Press, 2007, p.85.<\/p>\n

[51] Hugh Kennedy, The Prophet And The Age Of The Caliphs<\/em>, Longman, New York, 1986, p.2.<\/p>\n

[52] Hugh Kennedy, The Great Arab Conquests<\/em>, Da Capo Press, Philadelphia, 2007, p.68.<\/p>\n

[53] Lester K. Little, \u201cLife And Afterlife Of The First Plague Pandemic\u201d, Plague And The End Of Antiquity<\/em>, Cambridge University Press, 2007, p.7, 8.<\/p>\n

[54] Michael G. Morony, \u201c\u2018For Whom Does The Writer Write?\u2019 The First Bubonic Plague Pandemic According To Syriac Sources\u201d, Plague And The End Of Antiquity<\/em>, Cambridge University Press, 2007, p.79.<\/p>\n

[55] Jo N. Hays, \u201cHistorians And The Epidemics\u201d, Plague And The End Of Antiquity<\/em>, Cambridge University Press, 2007, p.56.<\/p>\n

[56] Peter Sarris, \u201cBubonic Plague In Byzantinum, Th Evidence Of Non-Literary Sources<\/em>\u201d, Plague And The End Of Antiquity<\/em>, Cambridge University Press, 2007, p.124, 125.<\/p>\n

[57] Dionysios Stathakopoulos, Crime And Punishment, The Plague In The Byzantine Empire, 541-749<\/em>, Plague And The End Of Antiquity<\/em>, Cambridge University Press, 2007, p.104.<\/p>\n

[58] Bu b\u00f6lgedeki n\u00fcfusa ili\u015fkin Walter E. Kaegi \u015fu bilgiyi veriyor: \u201cM\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131n ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdikleri fetihlerin arifesinde, n\u00fcfusun IV. Ve VI. y\u00fczy\u0131llardakinden daha da az olmas\u0131 muhtemeldir. N\u00fcfus yap\u0131lanmas\u0131nda g\u00f6r\u00fclen bu azalmaya etki eden en \u00f6nemli fakt\u00f6rler veba salg\u0131n\u0131 ve sava\u015flar olmu\u015ftur.\u201d Bkz: Walter E. Kaegi, Bizans ve \u0130lk \u0130slam Fetihleri<\/em>, \u00e7ev: Mehmet \u00d6zay, Kakn\u00fcs Yay., \u0130stanbul, 2000, s.52.<\/p>\n

[59] Peter Sarris, Empires of Faith<\/em>, Oxford University Press, New York, p.258.<\/p>\n

[60] A. A. Vasiliev, Bizans \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu Tarihi<\/em>, \u00e7ev: Tevabil Alka\u00e7, Alfa Yay., \u0130stanbul, 2016, s.195.<\/p>\n

[61] Michael G. Morony, \u201c\u2018For Whom Does The Writer Write?\u2019 The First Bubonic Plague Pandemic According To Syriac Sources\u201d, Plague And The End Of Antiquity<\/em>, Cambridge University Press, 2007, p.85.<\/p>\n

[62] Hugh Kennedy, The Prophet And The Age Of The Caliphs<\/em>, Longman, New York, 1986, p.2.<\/p>\n

[63] Henri Pirenne, Orta\u00e7a\u011f Avrupas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n Ekonomik ve Sosyal Tarihi<\/em>, \u00e7ev: Uygur Kocaba\u015fo\u011flu, \u0130leti\u015fim Yay., \u0130stanbul, 2014, s.27.<\/p>\n

[64] Henri Pirenne, Orta\u00e7a\u011f Avrupas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n Ekonomik ve Sosyal Tarihi<\/em>, \u00e7ev: Uygur Kocaba\u015fo\u011flu, \u0130leti\u015fim Yay., \u0130stanbul, 2014, s.15.<\/p>\n

[65] Hugh Kennedy, The Prophet And The Age Of The Caliphs<\/em>, Longman, New York, 1986, p.3.<\/p>\n

[66] Hugh Kennedy, The Prophet And The Age Of The Caliphs<\/em>, Longman, New York, 1986, p.23, 24.<\/p>\n

[67] John Julius Norwich, Bizans, Erken D\u00f6nem (MS 323-802)<\/em>, \u00e7ev: Hamide Koyukan, Kabalc\u0131 Yay., c: 1, \u0130stanbul, 2013, s.246.<\/p>\n

[68] Julius Wellhausen\u2019\u0131n bu konuda yorumu \u015f\u00f6yledir: \u201cAraplar\u0131n Suriye ve Elcezire steplerinden, yeni muhitlerinde de de\u011fi\u015fmedikleri g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor. Ne \u0130slam, ne de H\u0131ristiyanl\u0131k onlar\u0131 kabilelerini ve intikamlar\u0131n\u0131 her \u015feyin \u00fcst\u00fcnde tutmaktan al\u0131koymam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.\u201d Bkz: Julius Wellhausen, Arap Devleti ve S\u00fck\u00fbtu<\/em>, \u00e7ev: Fikret I\u015f\u0131ltan, Ankara \u00dcniversitesi Bas\u0131mevi, Ankara, 1963, s.98.<\/p>\n

[69] Julius Wellhausen, Arap Devleti ve S\u00fck\u00fbtu<\/em>, \u00e7ev: Fikret I\u015f\u0131ltan, Ankara \u00dcniversitesi Bas\u0131mevi, Ankara, 1963, s.32.<\/p>\n

[70] Walter E. Kaegi, Bizans ve \u0130lk \u0130slam Fetihleri<\/em>, \u00e7ev: Mehmet \u00d6zay, Kakn\u00fcs Yay., \u0130stanbul, 2000, s.82.<\/p>\n

[71] Hugh Kennedy, The Armies Of The Caliphs<\/em>, Routledge, London\/New York, 2001, p.5.<\/p>\n

[72] Hugh Kennedy, The Armies Of The Caliphs<\/em>, Routledge, London\/New York, 2001, p.4, 5.<\/p>\n

[73] Leone Caetani, \u201cThe Art Of War Of The Arabs, And The Supposed Religious Fervour Of The Arab Conquerors\u201d, The Expansion Of The Early Islamic State<\/em>, ed: Fred M. Donner, Ashgate\/Varium, Cornwall, 2008, p.5.<\/p>\n

[74] Walter E. Kaegi, Bizans ve \u0130lk \u0130slam Fetihleri<\/em>, \u00e7ev: Mehmet \u00d6zay, Kakn\u00fcs Yay., \u0130stanbul, 2000, s.159.<\/p>\n

[75] Hugh Kennedy, The Great Arab Conquests<\/em>, Da Capo Press, Philadelphia, 2007, p.79.<\/p>\n

[76] Philip K. Hitti, Capital Cities Of Arab Islam<\/em>, University Of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, 1973, p.46.<\/p>\n

[77] Leone Caetani, \u201cThe Art Of War Of The Arabs, And The Supposed Religious Fervour Of The Arab Conquerors\u201d, The Expansion Of The Early Islamic State<\/em>, ed: Fred M. Donner, Ashgate\/Varium, Cornwall, 2008, p.1.<\/p>\n

[78] G. E. von Grunebaum, Classical Islam, A History 600-1258<\/em>, Aldine Publishing Company, Chicago, 1970, p.19.<\/p>\n

[79] C. Brockelmann, \u0130slam Milletleri ve Devletleri Tarihi<\/em>, \u00e7ev: Ne\u015fet \u00c7a\u011fatay, Ankara \u00dcniversitesi \u0130lahiyat Fak\u00fcltesi Yay., 1954, s.53.<\/p>\n

[80] Peter Sarris, Empires of Faith<\/em>, Oxford University Press, New York, p.272.<\/p>\n

[81] Walter E. Kaegi, Bizans ve \u0130lk \u0130slam Fetihleri<\/em>, \u00e7ev: Mehmet \u00d6zay, Kakn\u00fcs Yay., \u0130stanbul, 2000, s.356.<\/p>\n

[82] C. Boreckelmann ilgin\u00e7 bir tespitle, Mekke\u2019de g\u00fcnde iki defa, Medine\u2019de Yahudilerin etkisiyle g\u00fcnde \u00fc\u00e7 kez k\u0131l\u0131nan namaz\u0131n, daha sonra \u0130ran k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn etkisiyle sabah, \u00f6\u011fle, ikinci, ak\u015fam ve yats\u0131 olmak \u00fczere be\u015f vakte \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 yaz\u0131yordu. \u0130ran tesirinin Araplar \u00fczerinde namaz vakitlerinin d\u00fczenlenmesini de\u011fi\u015ftirecek \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde bask\u0131n oldu\u011fu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesindeydi. Bkz: C. Brockelmann, \u0130slam Milletleri ve Devletleri Tarihi<\/em>, \u00e7ev: Ne\u015fet \u00c7a\u011fatay, Ankara \u00dcniversitesi \u0130lahiyat Fak\u00fcltesi Yay., 1954, s.40.<\/p>\n

[83] Julius Wellhausen, Arap Devleti ve S\u00fck\u00fbtu<\/em>, \u00e7ev: Fikret I\u015f\u0131ltan, Ankara \u00dcniversitesi Bas\u0131mevi, Ankara, 1963, s.25. G. E. von Grunebaum da benzer bir noktaya de\u011finir: \u201cIt was a general consequence of the expansion that military and therefore political power moved quickly from the centre to the periphery. The continuous hijra of the Bedouin not only rendered the peninsula politically insignificant after a few decades but left it to sink below the level of the last phase of the pagan period, demographically and economically.\u201d Bkz: G. E. von Grunebaum, Classical Islam, A History 600-1258<\/em>, Aldine Publishing Company, Chicago, 1970, p.58.<\/p>\n

[84] D. S. Margoliouth, \u0130slamiyet \u00d6ncesi Arap-\u0130srailo\u011fullar\u0131 \u0130li\u015fkileri<\/em>, \u00e7ev: Suat Ert\u00fcz\u00fcn, Kakn\u00fcs Yay., \u0130stanbul, 2003, s.15.<\/p>\n

[85] Abd\u00fclaziz El-Duri, \u201cDivan\u201d, TDV<\/em> \u0130slam Ansiklopedisi<\/em>, T\u00fcrkiye Diyanet Vakf\u0131 Yay., cilt 9, 1994, s.377, 378.<\/p>\n

[86] E. A. Belyaev, Arabs,<\/em> Islam and The Arab Caliphate<\/em>, Israel University Press, Jerusalem, 1969, p.173.<\/p>\n

[87] Daniel C. Dennet, Jr, \u201cConversion and The Poll Tax In Early Islam\u201d, Islamic Taxation<\/em>, Arno Press, New York, 1973, p.14, 15.<\/p>\n

[88] Nadia Maria El Cheikh, Araplar\u0131n G\u00f6z\u00fcyle Bizans<\/em>, \u00e7ev: Mehmet Moral\u0131, Alfa Yay., \u0130stanbul, 2012, s.66, 67.<\/p>\n

[89] Julius Wellhausen, Arap Devleti ve S\u00fck\u00fbtu<\/em>, \u00e7ev: Fikret I\u015f\u0131ltan, Ankara \u00dcniversitesi Bas\u0131mevi, Ankara, 1963, s.103.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

\u0130slam tarihinden \u0130slam motiflerini kaz\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda, alt\u0131nda k\u0131m\u0131ldayan \u00e7ift ba\u015fl\u0131 kartal\u0131 ya da simurgu g\u00f6rmemek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn m\u00fcd\u00fcr? \u0130slam, t\u00fcm bir \u0130slam tarihinin iddias\u0131n\u0131n aksine, sanki yay\u0131lmamak \u00fczere do\u011fmu\u015ftu; fetihlere dini bir nitelik arac\u0131l\u0131k etmiyordu. Halifelik y\u00f6netiminde dinin tebli\u011finden ve \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n ilkelerinden \u00e7ok, h\u00e2l\u00e2 Bizans ve Sasani k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn s\u00f6z\u00fc ge\u00e7iyordu. Zaman\u0131n tarihinde sesi duyulanlar bu iki k\u00fclt\u00fcrd\u00fc; […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":849,"featured_media":14779,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[188,224,1464,29],"tags":[1688,599,556,441],"class_list":["post-14778","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-151-sayi","category-din-ve-dinler-tarihi","category-dosya","category-toplum","tag-cihat","tag-dinler-tarihi","tag-islam","tag-islam-felsefesi"],"acf":[],"aioseo_notices":[],"aioseo_head":"\n\t\t\n\t\n\t\n\t\n\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t