Ay\u015feg\u00fcl Yaraman, \u201ckad\u0131n\u201d konusuyla ilgili \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131na, 1981\u2019de y\u00fcksek lisans teziyle ba\u015flam\u0131\u015f ve b\u0131rakamam\u0131\u015f. Kad\u0131ndan toplumsal cinsiyete, \u201ccinsiyet belas\u0131\u201dna d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fen teorik tart\u0131\u015fmalar ve ge\u00e7irilen se\u00e7im d\u00f6nemleri, ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u0131na s\u00fcrekli ekler yapmas\u0131n\u0131 gerektirmi\u015f. Do\u00e7entlik \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 ise model olmay\u0131, nasihat vermenin \u00f6n\u00fcne koyacak cesarette kad\u0131nlardan ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 ilhamla zenginle\u015ftirmi\u015f.<\/p>\n
Kad\u0131nlar\u0131n, ancak 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015flar\u0131nda elde ettikleri kamusal alana giri\u015f imk\u00e2n\u0131, asl\u0131nda tam olarak davran\u0131\u015fsal kal\u0131plara yans\u0131yamam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Yaraman, do\u00e7entlik \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n giri\u015finde bu konuya ili\u015fkin \u015fu s\u00f6zleri s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor: \u201cT\u00fcrkiye\u2019de kad\u0131n\u0131n siyasal temsili ba\u011flam\u0131nda eksik kalan ancak d\u00fcnya literat\u00fcr\u00fcnde yer alan \u2018cam tavan\u2019 kavram\u0131, \u00f6zellikle say\u0131sal bir y\u00fckselmeyi \u00f6nleyen g\u00f6r\u00fcnmez engeli ve kad\u0131nlara ra\u011fmen sistemin direncini simgelemektedir. Oysa \u2018vitrin\u2019 ile, d\u00f6rt bir taraftan, yani niteliksel ve niceliksel engellenmeyi ve ayn\u0131 zamanda g\u00f6r\u00fcnt\u00fc u\u011fruna i\u00e7eri\u011fin, kimi zaman \u2018g\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fcl\u00fckle\u2019 ihmal edili\u015fi kastedilmektedir. Bu ihmalde, P. Bourdieu\u2019n\u00fcn kavramla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u2018simgesel \u015fiddet\u2019 ge\u00e7erlidir. Kad\u0131nlar, ma\u011fduru bulunduklar\u0131 egemenlik ili\u015fkisini fark\u0131nda olmadan hatta isteyerek, be\u011fenerek yeniden \u00fcretmektedirler. \u00d6rne\u011fin kad\u0131nlar\u0131n erke\u011fe benzetilmekten ho\u015flanmalar\u0131 yayg\u0131n bir durumdur. Bunu bir iltifat sayanlar h\u00e2l\u00e2 \u00e7o\u011funluktad\u0131r. Oysa bu durum erke\u011fin \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn kabul edildi\u011fini g\u00f6sterir. Tersine, bir erke\u011fin kad\u0131na benzetildi\u011finde kar\u015f\u0131la\u015f\u0131lan toplumsal ve bireysel olumsuz tepkiyi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrsek durum daha da anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131r olacakt\u0131r.\u201d<\/p>\n
Say\u0131larla kad\u0131n\u0131n siyasal ya\u015famdaki yeri<\/strong><\/p>\n Yazar, kitab\u0131nda d\u00fcnyada ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de kad\u0131n\u0131n siyasal ya\u015famdaki oran\u0131 konusunda \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 veriler sunuyor: \u201cOcak 2014 itibar\u0131yla Bakanlar Kurulundaki kad\u0131n oranlar\u0131 y\u00fczde 17.2; ba\u015fkan ya da ba\u015fbakan kad\u0131n say\u0131s\u0131 24\u2019t\u00fcr. L\u00fcbnan, Suudi Arabistan, Pakistan, Brunei gibi \u00fclkelerde kad\u0131n\u0131n bakanlar kurulunda ad\u0131 ge\u00e7mezken; Ruanda, Andora, K\u00fcba, \u015eeyseller, \u0130sve\u00e7 bu konuda y\u00fczde 60\u2019lara varabilmektedir. T\u00fcrkiye ise bu s\u0131ralamada 189 \u00fclke aras\u0131nda 101. durumdad\u0131r. Ancak elbette temsil sorununun \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc say\u0131sal varl\u0131\u011fa indirgenemez.\u201d<\/p>\n Oy verme oranlar\u0131na bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda ise, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n erkeklere oranla daha d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck d\u00fczeyde siyasal kat\u0131l\u0131m g\u00f6sterdikleri ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor. Yaraman, bu durumun nedenini \u015f\u00f6yle a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131yor: \u201cBireysel siyasal kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131n en \u00f6nemli davran\u0131\u015f\u0131 olan oy vermede, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n e\u015fitli\u011fe yakla\u015fan niceliksel kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131na ra\u011fmen bunun ne kadar\u0131n\u0131n erkek egemenli\u011fi, \u2018kocalar\u0131n\u0131n dedi\u011fi\u2019 olmaks\u0131z\u0131n sand\u0131\u011fa yans\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fmal\u0131d\u0131r. Her ne kadar toplumsall\u0131kta bir \u00f6\u011frenme s\u00fcreci olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcnse de, sonu\u00e7 olarak yeniden \u00fcretilen erkeklerin oy verme davran\u0131\u015f\u0131d\u0131r. Yani elde edilen oy verme hakk\u0131 da, erkek iktidar\u0131na g\u00f6nderilmi\u015ftir. Bu konuda \u00f6ncelikle vurgulanmas\u0131 gereken, geleneksel yap\u0131s\u0131 i\u00e7indeki aile kurumunda s\u00fcren erkek egemenli\u011finin devlet y\u00f6netimiyle etkile\u015fimi (Marksist bir dille s\u00f6ylersek ailenin ve devletin zaten ayn\u0131 altyap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n, yani \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyetin uzant\u0131lar\u0131 olmas\u0131) ve kad\u0131n\u0131n aile i\u00e7indeki aidiyetinin siyasal alana da yans\u0131mas\u0131d\u0131r.\u201d<\/p>\n Yaraman, bu kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131n d\u00fc\u015f\u00fckl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc aile i\u00e7i y\u00f6nlendirmelerimize ba\u011fl\u0131yor: \u201c\u2026 geli\u015fim psikolojisi i\u00e7inde, \u00e7ocuklar\u0131n toplumsal ili\u015fki kurallar\u0131n\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde yal\u0131t\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ayn\u0131 cinsiyetten gruplar i\u00e7erisinde \u00f6\u011frendiklerine ve bu \u00f6\u011frenileni ergin toplumsal ili\u015fkilere ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131klar\u0131na dayanan cinsiyetler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u201cayr\u0131 k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u201d fikri \u00e7ok yayg\u0131nd\u0131r. Bu ba\u011flamda T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de k\u0131z \u00e7ocu\u011fun siyasal kadro kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131na erkek \u00e7ocu\u011fa g\u00f6re daha \u00e7ok kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131lmaktad\u0131r (%67-%42 gibi\u2026).\u201d<\/p>\n Bi\u00e7imsel bir yasal e\u015fitli\u011fin asl\u0131nda erke\u011fe sa\u011flanan e\u015fitlik oldu\u011funu g\u00f6rebiliyoruz. Yaraman, bu noktada e\u015fitsizli\u011fin yeniden \u00fcretimine dikkat \u00e7ekiyor: \u201cBu durumda kad\u0131nlar yaln\u0131z ataerkil d\u00fczen i\u00e7erisinde erkek de\u011ferlerinde bir e\u015fitli\u011fe sahip olduklar\u0131 i\u00e7in, iktidarla ilgili \u00f6zg\u00fcn davran\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131karamamakta, erkek de\u011ferlerini yeniden \u00fcretmektedirler. Kad\u0131nl\u0131k bilinci \u00e7o\u011fu kez parti bilincinin alt\u0131nda ezilmi\u015f; di\u011fer yandan ise baz\u0131lar\u0131 erki ele ge\u00e7irmek i\u00e7in erkekler gibi olmay\u0131\/yapmay\u0131 denemi\u015flerdir. C. B. Akal bu durumu, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n ne tam kad\u0131n, ne de tam erkek olan \u00e7eli\u015fkili bir ara konumda bulunduklar\u0131n\u0131, bir t\u00fcr siyasal travestizm ya da iktidarl\u0131 iktidars\u0131zl\u0131k ya\u015fad\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ne s\u00fcrmektedir.\u201d<\/p>\n Bir\u00e7ok tart\u0131\u015fmaya neden olan kota sistemine gelince, yazar \u015funlar\u0131 s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor: \u201cKad\u0131nlar\u0131n siyasal alandaki yokluklar\u0131 \u00f6n\u00fcndeki pratik engellerin en \u00f6nemlilerinden biri partilerdir. Bu konu i\u00e7in yasal ama yapay olarak \u00fcretilen KOTA \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc g\u00fcndeme gelmi\u015ftir. Biri, engel ortadan kalkt\u0131\u011f\u0131nda gereksizle\u015fece\u011fi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclen \u201cge\u00e7ici kota\u201d; di\u011feri ise gereklili\u011fin saptan\u0131p kad\u0131n adaylara yer verilmesi yerel parti sorumlular\u0131na b\u0131rak\u0131lan \u201cesnek kota\u201d uygulamalar\u0131 s\u00f6z konusudur.\u201d<\/p>\n Yaraman, d\u00fcnyada ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de kad\u0131n\u0131n siyasette yer almas\u0131na dair bak\u0131\u015f\u0131 verilerle ortaya koyuyor: \u201cBuna ra\u011fmen T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de siyasette kad\u0131nlar\u0131n a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131kta olmas\u0131na olumlu bakanlar %35 ve fark etmeyece\u011fini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnenler ise %36 oran\u0131yla d\u00fcnya ortalamas\u0131yla paralellik i\u00e7indedir. Oysa kad\u0131nlar\u0131n d\u00fcnya genelinde siyasi temsil i\u00e7indeki oran\u0131 %21.9\u2019dur. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de ise kad\u0131n milletvekili oran\u0131 %14.4\u2019t\u00fcr.\u201d<\/p>\n Feminizmin tarihsel d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmleri<\/strong><\/p>\n Yazar, tarihsel s\u00fcre\u00e7 i\u00e7erisinde feminist hareketlerin geli\u015fimini \u015f\u00f6yle \u00f6zetliyor: \u00a0\u201c\u2026 kad\u0131nlar\u0131n \u00f6zel ya\u015famla s\u0131n\u0131rlanm\u0131\u015fl\u0131klar\u0131ndan kamusal b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fmeye ge\u00e7i\u015fi d\u00fcnya genelinde yakla\u015f\u0131k y\u00fcz elli y\u0131ll\u0131k bir tarihtir. Oysa kad\u0131nlar\u0131nkini da i\u00e7eren toplumsal bilin\u00e7 ve bilin\u00e7alt\u0131na bin y\u0131llard\u0131r ataerkil zihniyet bi\u00e7im vermektedir. Bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede Frans\u0131z \u0130htilaliyle ba\u015flayan ve 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n 2. yar\u0131s\u0131nda \u015fekillenen \u2018e\u015fitlik\u2019 m\u00fccadelesini temel alan ve e\u015fitli\u011fi siyasi anlamda e\u015fit haklara kavu\u015fma olarak g\u00f6ren birinci dalga feminizm, toplumsal a\u00e7\u0131dan e\u015fitlik i\u00e7in cinsiyet\u00e7i i\u015fb\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesini, iktidar ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere de\u011fer ve kavramlar\u0131n yeniden tan\u0131mlanmas\u0131n\u0131, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131n bilincinde bir grup olarak davranabilmesini ve bunu bir toplumsal g\u00fcndem maddesine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmelerini savunan ikinci feminist dalgay\u0131 postfeminist ele\u015ftiriyi i\u00e7eren \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fcs\u00fc izlemi\u015ftir. Burada da \u00f6nceki her iki kad\u0131n hareketi dalgas\u0131n\u0131n \u00fczerine kuruldu\u011fu erkek-kad\u0131n kategorisini la\u011fvetmeyi ve cinsiyet farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131 yerine bireysel farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131 kabul ederek asl\u0131nda heteroseks\u00fcel normallik \u00fczerine yap\u0131lanm\u0131\u015f t\u00fcm kurumlar\u0131 ele\u015ftirmeyi ve alt\u00fcst etmeyi ger\u00e7ek toplumsal ve siyasal \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclmektedir.\u201d<\/p>\n Peki t\u00fcm vatanda\u015flar\u0131 \u201ce\u015fit\u201d hale getiren se\u00e7me ve se\u00e7ilme hakk\u0131 kazan\u0131m\u0131 ne zaman resmile\u015fti? Yazardan aktar\u0131yorum: \u201cT\u00fcrkiye\u2019de vitrin olma i\u015flevi de \u00fcstlense, kad\u0131n\u0131 yasal anlamda \u00f6zel alanla s\u0131n\u0131rlanm\u0131\u015fl\u0131ktan \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131p kamu alan\u0131na sokabilmenin olanaklar\u0131 Cumhuriyet D\u00f6neminin de temellerini olu\u015fturmu\u015ftur. 5 Aral\u0131k 1934 tarihinde \u201822 ya\u015f\u0131n\u0131 bitiren kad\u0131n, erkek her T\u00fcrk mebus se\u00e7mek hakk\u0131n\u0131 haizdir\u2019; \u201830 ya\u015f\u0131n\u0131 bitiren kad\u0131n, erkek her T\u00fcrk mebus se\u00e7ilebilir\u2019 maddesi kanunla\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.\u201d<\/p>\n \u201cCumhuriyetin ilk se\u00e7kin kad\u0131n ku\u015fa\u011f\u0131nda var olan erkekle \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015fme yoluyla bireysel ba\u015far\u0131 veya 70\u2019lerin se\u00e7kin kad\u0131nlar\u0131n\u0131n benimsedi\u011fi ideolojik temelli toplumsal kurtulu\u015f, yerine 1980\u2019lerin kad\u0131nlar\u0131 ortak \u00e7\u0131karlar i\u00e7in kad\u0131n m\u00fccadelesine \u00f6ncelik vermi\u015flerdir. 90\u2019lardan itibarense kad\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctlerinin bir \u00e7e\u015fit ihtisasla\u015fmaya do\u011fru evrildi\u011fi g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr. Ancak yine de 2000\u2019li y\u0131llarda bile kad\u0131n milletvekili oran\u0131n\u0131n %15\u2019e bile ula\u015famad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ger\u00e7e\u011fi ortadad\u0131r.\u201d<\/p>\n Kitab\u0131n \u00f6zellikle mercek alt\u0131na ald\u0131\u011f\u0131, 1934-2011 aras\u0131 19 se\u00e7im d\u00f6nemi ve bu d\u00f6nemde s\u00fcreklili\u011fini koruyan Cumhuriyet <\/em>gazetesi ve kesintiler de verse kad\u0131na y\u00f6nelik yay\u0131n organlar\u0131 olan Kad\u0131n Gazetesi<\/em>, Kad\u0131n\u0131n Sesi<\/em>, Kad\u0131nca<\/em>, Mektup<\/em>, Marie Claire<\/em>, Kad\u0131nlara Mahsus Gazete Pazartesi <\/em>tarand\u0131\u011f\u0131nda; yazar Yaraman devlet ve gazete y\u00f6neticilerinin i\u00e7 i\u00e7e ge\u00e7ti\u011fi (6 d\u00f6nem milletvekilli\u011fi yapan Yunus Nadi gibi), iktidara muhalif yay\u0131n organlar\u0131n\u0131n pek bulunmad\u0131\u011f\u0131, kad\u0131n hareketinin siyasal ba\u011flamda g\u00fcndemle \u2018e\u015f\u2019 sorunlar i\u00e7erdi\u011fini g\u00f6zlemi\u015f.<\/p>\n S\u00fcreli yay\u0131nlara bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda ise, \u201c1960\u2019l\u0131 y\u0131llar\u0131n 2. yar\u0131s\u0131ndan itibaren geli\u015fme g\u00f6steren 2. dalga kad\u0131n hareketinin ayd\u0131n ve se\u00e7kin kad\u0131n \u00e7evresinden daha geni\u015f halkalara yay\u0131lmas\u0131nda Kad\u0131nca Dergisi\u2019<\/em>nin b\u00fcy\u00fck i\u015flevi olmu\u015ftur. 1975 kad\u0131n y\u0131l\u0131ndan itibaren de kad\u0131nlara kar\u015f\u0131 pozitif ayr\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131k merkezli bir s\u00f6ylem y\u00fckselmeye ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.\u201d<\/p>\n Bunu izleyen 1987 se\u00e7im d\u00f6nemi ise T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de 2. dalga kad\u0131n hareketinin sesini \u00e7e\u015fitli toplum katmanlar\u0131na duyurdu\u011fu ve toplumsal me\u015fruiyet kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u0131llardan birine denk gelmi\u015ftir. Oysa bas\u0131n g\u00fcndemini olu\u015fturan tepkilerin anlaml\u0131 bir siyasal sonu\u00e7 verebilmesi, kitlelerin anlaml\u0131 somut mesajlarla bulu\u015fmas\u0131 ve harekete ge\u00e7mesiyle olanak kazanacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n Yaraman\u2019a g\u00f6re, \u201c2000 li y\u0131llar\u0131n se\u00e7imlerindeyse \u00f6zellikle K\u00fcrt kimli\u011fiyle siyaset yapan aday ve yay\u0131nlar\u0131n toplumsal cinsiyet konusunda sistematik duyarl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 dikkat \u00e7ekicidir. Kad\u0131nlar ve siyasal temsil konusunun hemen hi\u00e7 yer bulmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 yay\u0131n grubu ise dindar kad\u0131n bas\u0131n\u0131d\u0131r. \u00d6rne\u011fin AKP, en y\u00fcksek oranda kad\u0131n milletvekiline sahipken parti karar mekanizmalar\u0131nda ve bakanlar kurulundaki k\u0131s\u0131tl\u0131l\u0131k barizdir. Cinsiyet\u00e7i pratikler ve liderlerinin cinsiyet\u00e7i s\u00f6ylemi a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r. CHP\u2019nin kad\u0131nlar\u0131n temsili ba\u011flam\u0131nda \u00e7ok \u00f6nemsenen cinsiyet kotas\u0131na sahipken, pratikte bunu kad\u0131nlar aleyhine kullanan cinsiyet\u00e7i davran\u0131\u015f\u0131 bilinmektedir. HDP\u2019de \u00f6zellikle e\u015f ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n, erkek olan\u0131n tek ba\u015fkan oldu\u011fu izlenimine sebebiyet verecek pratiklerle k\u0131s\u0131tland\u0131\u011f\u0131, ancak kamuoyunda s\u00f6z konusu erkek lidere tepki olu\u015ftu\u011fu d\u00f6nemde kad\u0131n e\u015fba\u015fkan\u0131n ortaya \u00e7\u0131karak geleneksel vitrin \u00f6rne\u011finin yeniden \u00fcretildi\u011fi izlenmi\u015ftir.\u201d<\/p>\n Sonu\u00e7 olarak, se\u00e7me ve se\u00e7ilme hakk\u0131n\u0131n ya\u015fama ge\u00e7irilmesinde aksakl\u0131klar ve \u00e7eli\u015fkiler s\u00fcrmektedir. Yaraman\u2019a g\u00f6re, kad\u0131n\u0131n siyasal temsili konusu hem \u201ca\u015f\u0131nmakta\u201d hem de \u201ca\u015f\u0131lmakta\u201dd\u0131r. Kad\u0131nlar aleyhine kal\u0131p yarg\u0131lar\u0131, cinselli\u011fi tart\u0131\u015fan mevcut t\u00fcm yay\u0131n organlar\u0131n\u0131n bir t\u00fcrl\u00fc kad\u0131nlar lehine d\u00f6n\u00fck olamay\u0131\u015f\u0131nda, ge\u00e7i\u015f s\u00fcre\u00e7lerinin ikilemleri kadar, s\u00f6z konusu dergilerin erkeklerin egemenli\u011findeki ekonomik sisteme ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131 da etkendir. \u0130slami e\u011filimli yay\u0131nlarda ise bu ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k, ekonomik-ideolojik olmaktad\u0131r. Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 alabilmi\u015f yay\u0131nlarda ise, \u00fcst d\u00fczey tart\u0131\u015fma platformlar\u0131 niteli\u011fini a\u015f\u0131p kitleselle\u015fmeyi engellemi\u015ftir. Yazar yine de \u00e7ok umutsuz de\u011fil: \u201cT\u00fcrkiye\u2019de kad\u0131n\u0131n siyasal temsilinde son 80 y\u0131la bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, bir arpa boyu da olsa yol gidildi\u011fi a\u015fik\u00e2rd\u0131r. Ancak siyaset; cam tavan, vitrin, kota,say\u0131 ve hatta meclis, bakanlar kurulu vs. k\u0131s\u0131rd\u00f6ng\u00fcs\u00fcne s\u0131\u011fd\u0131r\u0131lamayacak bir yerdedir.\u201d<\/p>\n Didaktik bir dile sahip olan kitap, istatistiki meraklara yan\u0131t olabilir. Dile\u011fim, belgelerden ve ya\u015fananlardan yola \u00e7\u0131karak daha derin ve farkl\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131labilmesidir. Kitab\u0131 bu anlamda bir \u201cba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7\u201d olarak de\u011ferlendirebiliriz.<\/p>\n – T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de Kad\u0131nlar\u0131n Siyasal Temsili -Di\u015filiksiz Siyaset-, Ay\u015feg\u00fcl Yaraman, Ba\u011flam Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2015, 256 s.<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Ay\u015feg\u00fcl Yaraman, \u201ckad\u0131n\u201d konusuyla ilgili \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131na, 1981\u2019de y\u00fcksek lisans teziyle ba\u015flam\u0131\u015f ve b\u0131rakamam\u0131\u015f. Kad\u0131ndan toplumsal cinsiyete, \u201ccinsiyet belas\u0131\u201dna d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fen teorik tart\u0131\u015fmalar ve ge\u00e7irilen se\u00e7im d\u00f6nemleri, ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u0131na s\u00fcrekli ekler yapmas\u0131n\u0131 gerektirmi\u015f. Do\u00e7entlik \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 ise model olmay\u0131, nasihat vermenin \u00f6n\u00fcne koyacak cesarette kad\u0131nlardan ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 ilhamla zenginle\u015ftirmi\u015f. Kad\u0131nlar\u0131n, ancak 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015flar\u0131nda elde ettikleri kamusal alana giri\u015f imk\u00e2n\u0131, […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":42,"featured_media":19586,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[175,28,511],"tags":[2366,557,2365,2367,536],"class_list":["post-19585","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-138-sayi","category-sosyal-bilimler","category-yayin-dunyasi","tag-feminizm","tag-kadin","tag-kadin-siyasetciler","tag-siyasal-hayat","tag-siyaset"],"acf":[],"aioseo_notices":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/bilimvegelecek.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/19585","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/bilimvegelecek.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/bilimvegelecek.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/bilimvegelecek.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/42"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/bilimvegelecek.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=19585"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/bilimvegelecek.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/19585\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/bilimvegelecek.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/19586"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/bilimvegelecek.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=19585"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/bilimvegelecek.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=19585"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/bilimvegelecek.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=19585"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}