{"id":59266,"date":"2008-06-01T00:00:45","date_gmt":"2008-05-31T21:00:45","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/bilimvegelecek.com.tr\/?p=59266"},"modified":"2023-08-02T09:23:23","modified_gmt":"2023-08-02T06:23:23","slug":"turkiyede-muhafazakar-anti-kapitalizm-nurettin-topcu","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/bilimvegelecek.com.tr\/index.php\/2008\/06\/01\/turkiyede-muhafazakar-anti-kapitalizm-nurettin-topcu","title":{"rendered":"T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de muhafazak\u00e2r anti-kapitalizm: Nurettin Top\u00e7u"},"content":{"rendered":"

Muhafazak\u00e2r d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin, Frans\u0131z Devrimi\u2019ne y\u00f6nelik bir tepkinin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc oldu\u011funu biliyoruz. Muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131\u011f\u0131n ilk ve en \u00f6nemli metinleri devrimin hemen ard\u0131ndan yay\u0131nlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r ve muhafazak\u00e2r teori, devrimden \u201c\u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lan dersler\u201d \u00fczerine in\u015fa edilmi\u015ftir. Edmund Burke\u2019\u00fcn \u201cFransa\u2019daki Devrim Hakk\u0131ndaki D\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceler\u201di, Louis de Bonald\u2019\u0131n \u201cSiyasi ve Dini \u0130ktidar\u0131n Teorisi\u201d isimli kitab\u0131 ve Joseph de Maistre\u2019nin \u201cFransa Hakk\u0131nda D\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceler\u201dinin ortak noktas\u0131 Frans\u0131z Devrimi\u2019nde somutla\u015fan modernite ve ayd\u0131nlanman\u0131n k\u00f6ktenci bir ele\u015ftirisidir. Bu \u00fc\u00e7 kitapta yer alan form\u00fclasyonlar muhafazak\u00e2r d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin ana temalar\u0131n\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde \u015fekillendirmi\u015ftir:
\n\u201c\u2026 yaln\u0131zca olay [Frans\u0131z Devrimi-F.Y] kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda ayn\u0131 tepkiyi vermi\u015f olmalar\u0131ndan dolay\u0131 de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda temel ilkeler \u00fczerinde birle\u015fmi\u015f olmalar\u0131ndan dolay\u0131 da, \u00f6yle g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor ki, en az\u0131ndan yakla\u015f\u0131k olarak bir muhafazakar doktrinden s\u00f6z etmek imkan dahiline girmi\u015ftir. E\u011fer bu doktrinin olu\u015fturuldu\u011fu s\u00f6ylenebilirse, bunun nedeni devrim sonras\u0131 muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131\u011f\u0131n Burke, Maistre ve Bonald\u2019\u0131n y\u00f6netti\u011fi kilit tezlerde esas olarak varyasyonlar geli\u015ftirmi\u015f olmaktan ba\u015fka bir \u015fey yapmam\u0131\u015f olmalar\u0131d\u0131r.\u201d (Beneton, 1991:45)
\nBu ba\u011flamda, ilk muhafazak\u00e2rlardan, devrimin y\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 Ancien Regime\u2019in organik ayd\u0131nlar\u0131 olarak s\u00f6z etmemiz yanl\u0131\u015f olmayacakt\u0131r. Nisbet\u2019in de belirtti\u011fi gibi; \u201cmuhafazak\u00e2rlar\u0131n hepsi ya bizzat Devrim\u2019in 1791\u2019den sonra bir darbeyle \u00e7\u00f6kertti\u011fi Katolik-monar\u015fik-aristokratik bile\u015fkenin par\u00e7as\u0131yd\u0131lar, ya da bu bile\u015fkenin inan\u00e7l\u0131 destek\u00e7ileri olmu\u015flard\u0131.\u201d (1990:103) Muhafazak\u00e2rlar, Ancien Regime\u2019in y\u0131k\u0131l\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan organik ayd\u0131n vas\u0131flar\u0131n\u0131 yitirdilerse de, Regime\u2019e ait oldu\u011funa inand\u0131klar\u0131 gelenek, din, aile, d\u00fczen gibi kurum ve kavramlar\u0131n savunucular\u0131 ve modernite ile ayd\u0131nlanman\u0131n ve elbette ki siyasi bir proje olarak \u201cdevrim\u201din en amans\u0131z ele\u015ftirmenleri ve muhalifleri olarak varl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 devam ettirdiler. Muhafazak\u00e2r d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin, liberalizm ve sosyalizme nazaran daha az b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fckl\u00fc bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce olmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen, sahip oldu\u011fu ay\u0131rt edici \u00f6zelliklerinin bu ele\u015ftiri ve muhalefette aranmas\u0131 gerekir. Muhafazak\u00e2r d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce her \u015feyden \u00f6nce, toplumu y\u00f6neten bir a\u015fk\u0131n d\u00fczenin bulundu\u011fu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc savunur; ancak, bu a\u015fk\u0131n d\u00fczenin insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n deneme yan\u0131lma yoluyla do\u011frulu\u011funu ve iyili\u011fini kan\u0131tlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gelenek arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla bilinebilmesi m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr (Arg\u0131n, 2003:472). Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u201cmuhafaza etti\u011fi\u201d en \u00f6nemli \u015fey gelenektir diyebiliriz. Din de en az gelenek kadar \u00f6nemlidir ve muhafazak\u00e2rlar, \u201cbireysel ya\u015fam\u0131n vazge\u00e7ilmez ba\u011flam\u0131 olarak dinin gereklili\u011fi\u201d konusunda ortak bir fikre sahiptirler. Muhafazak\u00e2r d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan gelene\u011fin ve a\u015fk\u0131n d\u00fczenin bi\u00e7imlendirdi\u011fi toplumsal olan\u0131n bireysel olana kar\u015f\u0131 bir \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bulunmaktad\u0131r ve hem toplum hem de tarih d\u0131\u015f\u0131, soyut ve evrensel bir insan fikri herhangi bir \u015fekilde kabul edilebilir de\u011fildir (1). Muhafazak\u00e2rlar, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck ile m\u00fclkiyet aras\u0131nda s\u0131k\u0131 bir ba\u011flant\u0131 oldu\u011funa ve toplumsal olan\u0131n istikrar\u0131 i\u00e7in s\u0131n\u0131f ve mevki fakl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n devam etmesi gerekti\u011fine inan\u0131rlar. Son olarak muhafazak\u00e2r d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin, Ayd\u0131nlanma taraf\u0131ndan bireysel \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckleri engelleyici olmakla itham edilen \u201caile, k\u00f6y, manast\u0131r, lonca\u201d gibi cemaate ili\u015fkin kurumlar\u0131 savunduklar\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6ylemek gerekir (K\u00f6ker, 1992:89-90, Arg\u0131n, 2003: 470).
\nMuhafazak\u00e2r d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce i\u00e7erisinde uzunca bir s\u00fcre, modernitenin do\u011fal bir sonucu olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclen ve b\u00fct\u00fcn eski toplumsal ili\u015fki bi\u00e7imlerini adeta buharla\u015ft\u0131ran kapitalizm kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 bir damar mevcut oldu. Kapitalizmin muhafazak\u00e2r ele\u015ftirisindeki ba\u015fat \u00f6\u011feler ise, marksizm\/sosyalizmden farkl\u0131 olarak s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ya da yabanc\u0131la\u015fma de\u011fil, maddenin maneviyat kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fck ve \u201ceski g\u00fczel g\u00fcnler\u201din kaybolup gitmesiydi. Kapitalizm, dini, gelene\u011fi ve aileyi s\u00fcratle tahrip etmekte, Marx ve Engels\u2019in Kom\u00fcnist Manifesto\u2019da kulland\u0131klar\u0131 tabirle, \u201ckat\u0131 olan her \u015fey \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmekte\u201dydi. Nisbet\u2019in s\u00f6zleriyle:
\n\u201cFrans\u0131z Devrimi ve Ayd\u0131nlanma kadar, esas olarak \u0130ngiltere\u2019de sahneye \u00e7\u0131kan yeni ekonomik ya\u015fam bi\u00e7imleri de, Burke, Bonald, Hegel ve Donoso Y Cortes gibi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrlerin koyu gelenekselcili\u011fine ayk\u0131r\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcyordu. \u0130stikrarl\u0131, k\u00f6kl\u00fc ve hiyerar\u015fik bir toplumun havarileri, insan\u0131 -aile, k\u00f6y ve kiliseyle ba\u015flayan ama toplumsal s\u0131n\u0131f ve di\u011fer k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir araya gelme bi\u00e7imlerini de i\u00e7eren- ilksel toplumsal ba\u011flamlardan ay\u0131rma e\u011filimi g\u00f6steren b\u00fct\u00fcn bireycilik bi\u00e7imlerinin d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131 olarak muhafazak\u00e2r\u0131n yaln\u0131zca fabrika sistemine de\u011fil, 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda Bat\u0131 toplumunun fazlas\u0131yla d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc g\u00f6r\u00fclebilen yeni ekonomik d\u00fczenin -toplumsal d\u00fczendeki eski stat\u00fc ve otorite esaslar\u0131n\u0131n yerine giderek para, kredi, hisse senedi ve genellikle parasal konumun ge\u00e7mesi gibi- di\u011fer d\u0131\u015favurumlar\u0131na da olumsuz bakmalar\u0131 belki ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmazd\u0131.\u201d (Nisbet, 1990: 104)
\n19. y\u00fczy\u0131l toplumu, organik olmaktan \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor ve \u201cgiderek daha fazla gayri-ki\u015fisel, t\u00fcm\u00fcyle mekanik, se\u00e7menlerden, t\u00fcccarlardan, i\u015f\u00e7ilerden, al\u0131c\u0131lardan ve sat\u0131c\u0131lardan olu\u015fan ve yaln\u0131zca \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 do\u011frultusunda hareket eden\u201d bir ve\u00e7heye kavu\u015fuyordu (Beneton, 1991:90). Muhafazak\u00e2rlar b\u00f6yle bir toplumun kurucu ilkesi olan piyasaya da a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131lar ve burjuva iktisad\u0131n\u0131 \u201cu\u011fursuz bilim\u201d olarak nitelendirdiler. Kapitalizmin, onur, sadakat gibi Ancien Regime\u2019e ait duygulardan kaynaklanan ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131k bi\u00e7imlerini \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcnd\u00fcrmesini ve yerine gayri-\u015fahsi, faydac\u0131 ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131k ili\u015fkileri ikame etmesini mahk\u00fbm ettiler. Ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde, kapitalizmin, k\u0131rsal ya\u015fay\u0131\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcnd\u00fcrmesine ve kentle\u015fmeyi art\u0131rmas\u0131na da b\u00fcy\u00fck tepki duydular. Fabrika sistemini bir \u201ckapatma mekanizmas\u0131\u201d olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fcler ve makinenin insan \u00fczerindeki tahakk\u00fcm\u00fcne kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131lar (Beneton, 1991:91 vd.).<\/p>\n

T\u00fcrk muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve anti-kapitalizm<\/strong>
\nT\u00fcrk muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7erisinde anti-kapitalist bir damar mevcut olmu\u015f mudur? Bu soruyu yan\u0131tlamak i\u00e7in \u00f6nce birka\u00e7 tespitte bulunmam\u0131z gerekiyor. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de muhafazak\u00e2r d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin modernle\u015fmeye paralel bir bi\u00e7imde ge\u00e7 ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u015fik\u00e2rd\u0131r. Yaln\u0131zca k\u00fclt\u00fcrel alandaki bir muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131\u011f\u0131 dillendirmekle kalmayan, politik bir programa da sahip olan, yani siyasal bir ideoloji niteli\u011fi de ta\u015f\u0131yan muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131\u011f\u0131n tohumlar\u0131n\u0131n \u201c\u00e7ekingen\u201d bir \u015fekilde de olsa 1940\u2019larda at\u0131lmaya ba\u015fland\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, siyaset sahnesindeki yerini ise 1950\u2019li ve 60\u2019l\u0131 y\u0131llar T\u00fcrkiye\u2019sinde ald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yleyebiliriz. \u201cDo\u011fal\u201d seyrini izleyebilseydi T\u00fcrk muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n \u201cFrans\u0131z Devrimi\u201dnin, yani reaksiyoner oklar\u0131n\u0131 y\u00f6neltece\u011fi asli hedefin, Tanzimat modernle\u015fmecili\u011fi ve Kemalist ink\u0131l\u00e2p olaca\u011f\u0131 kesindir. Ancak bu m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Kemalist ink\u0131l\u00e2b\u0131n bir milli kurtulu\u015f m\u00fccadelesinin devam\u0131 niteli\u011fini ta\u015f\u0131mas\u0131 ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla \u201cdevlet kurucu\u201d bir karakterinin bulunmas\u0131, milliyet\u00e7i bir karakterinin haiz olmas\u0131, muhalif d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce ak\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 etkisiz\/kendine tabi k\u0131labilme yetene\u011fi, tek parti rejiminin otoriterli\u011fi ve hem T\u00fcrk modernle\u015fmesinin hem de Kemalist ink\u0131l\u00e2b\u0131n i\u00e7erisinde \u201cmuhafazak\u00e2r\u201d bir damar\u0131n bulunmas\u0131 gibi nedenler ink\u0131l\u00e2p kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131\u011f\u0131n reaksiyoner bir refleks \u015feklinde ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 engellemi\u015ftir (2). T\u00fcrk muhafazakarl\u0131\u011f\u0131, Kemalist ink\u0131lab\u0131n \u201cmilitan laiklik\u201d anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 ve \u201cjakoben ayd\u0131nlanmac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131\u201d ile cepheden bir hesapla\u015fmay\u0131 uzunca bir s\u00fcre g\u00f6ze alamam\u0131\u015f, s\u00f6yleminin temeline ink\u0131laplar\u0131 \u201ctad\u0131nda b\u0131rak\u0131p, makule d\u00f6nd\u00fcrmek\u201d (Bora, 1999:76) arzusunu yerle\u015ftirmi\u015ftir.
\nGecikmi\u015f olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131nda ise bir \u201cistisna durumu\u201d s\u00f6z konusudur: kom\u00fcnizm tehdidi. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k ve Milliyet\u00e7ilikle birlikte \u201cT\u00fcrk Sa\u011f\u0131n\u0131n \u00dc\u00e7 Hali\u201dni te\u015fkil eden T\u00fcrk muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131\u011f\u0131na \u201creaksiyoner\u201d niteli\u011fini veren olgu, ink\u0131l\u00e2p kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan ziyade kom\u00fcnizme kar\u015f\u0131 duydu\u011fu b\u00fcy\u00fck d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131k olmu\u015ftur. Anti-kom\u00fcnizm T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de sa\u011f\u0131n \u00fc\u00e7 halinin ortak paydas\u0131 niteli\u011fine haizdir ve bu \u00fc\u00e7 hal aras\u0131ndaki giriftli\u011fin, i\u00e7 i\u00e7e ge\u00e7mi\u015fli\u011fin ve ge\u00e7i\u015fkenli\u011fin k\u00f6keninde de, kimi tarihsel nedenlerin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, esas olarak bu nitelik aranmal\u0131d\u0131r. Anti-kom\u00fcnist ayn\u0131 anda kom\u00fcnizme kar\u015f\u0131 verilecek cihad\u0131n bayraktarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 yapabilmekte, toplumsal kurum ve geleneklerini kom\u00fcnistlerin sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 muhafaza edebilmekte ve k\u00f6k\u00fc d\u0131\u015far\u0131daki bu ideolojiye kar\u015f\u0131 milletini ve milli kimli\u011fini koruyabilmektedir.
\nYukar\u0131da sordu\u011fumuz soruyu \u015fimdi yan\u0131tlayabiliriz: Muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131\u011f\u0131n siyasal alandaki v\u00fccut bulu\u015funun anti-kom\u00fcnizm orijinli olmas\u0131 nedeniyledir ki, T\u00fcrk muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n terkibinde kapitalizm kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131 kendisine ancak marjinal bir konum bulabilmi\u015f ve bu kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131k kaba bir materyalizm ele\u015ftirisinden m\u00fclhem bir maneviyat savunusu ile toplumsal ve ahlaki bir dekadans tasvirinden \u00f6teye gitmemi\u015ftir. 1960\u2019lar T\u00fcrkiye\u2019sinde sola kar\u015f\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclecek bir i\u00e7 sava\u015f\u0131n ideolojik tahkimat\u0131 yap\u0131l\u0131rken ku\u015fkusuz kimi anti-kapitalist referanslara da yer verilmi\u015ftir. \u00dclk\u00fcc\u00fc Hareket\u2019in kendisini bir s\u00fcre \u201cmilliyet\u00e7i-toplumcu\u201d olarak adland\u0131rmas\u0131, ABD ve Rus emperyalizmlerinden s\u00f6z edilmesi, kurulacak olan yeni d\u00fczenin kapitalizm ve sosyalizm d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc bir yol olaca\u011f\u0131 vb. temalar \u00f6zellikle kitlelerle kurulan ileti\u015fimde ve militan taban\u0131n endoktrinasyonunda s\u0131k\u00e7a kullan\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r (3). Ancak bu, o y\u0131llarda milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin, muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131\u011f\u0131n ve \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u201c\u00fcst kimli\u011fi\u201d oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yleyebilece\u011fimiz mukaddesat\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n So\u011fuk Sava\u015f\u2019ta se\u00e7ti\u011fi pozisyon nedeniyle, anti-kapitalist bir karakter ta\u015f\u0131mas\u0131n\u0131n imk\u00e2ns\u0131z oldu\u011fu ger\u00e7e\u011fini de\u011fi\u015ftirmez. T\u00fcrk mukaddesat\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131, 1960\u2019l\u0131 ve 70\u2019li y\u0131llar boyunca \u201ck\u00fcresel i\u00e7 sava\u015f\u201d\u0131n kapitalist kanad\u0131n\u0131n T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki milis kuvveti olmay\u0131 se\u00e7mi\u015f ve bu onu ister istemez pro-Amerikanc\u0131 yapm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r (4).
\nT\u00fcrkiye\u2019de muhafazak\u00e2r milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin en \u00f6nemli isimlerinden biri olan Nurettin Top\u00e7u, modernite kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan beslenen anti-kapitalist duru\u015fuyla, mukaddesat\u00e7\u0131 kamp i\u00e7erisindeki ayr\u0131ks\u0131 bir isim olarak g\u00f6ze \u00e7arpmaktad\u0131r. Top\u00e7u, \u00e7ok ate\u015fli bir anti-kom\u00fcnist olmas\u0131na ve kan\u0131n safl\u0131\u011f\u0131 esas\u0131na dayanan bir \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 savunmamakla birlikte fa\u015fizme b\u00fcy\u00fck bir sempati duymas\u0131na ra\u011fmen, zaman zaman \u201cs\u0131n\u0131f egemenli\u011fi, s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc, yabanc\u0131la\u015fma\u201d gibi Marksist kategorilere de ba\u015fvurarak, mukaddesat\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n i\u00e7erisinde pek rastlanmayacak bir \u015fekilde, kapitalizme y\u00f6nelik sert ele\u015ftirilerde bulunmu\u015ftur. Bu \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmada Top\u00e7u\u2019nun anti-kapitalizminin muhafazak\u00e2r k\u00f6kenleri ile bu anti-kapitalizmin anti-kom\u00fcnizmle birlikte Top\u00e7u\u2019nun d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnsel janusunun iki y\u00fcz\u00fcn\u00fc olu\u015fturmas\u0131 olgusu incelenecektir. Bunun i\u00e7in ilkin, Top\u00e7u\u2019nun T\u00fcrk milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi ve muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7erisindeki konumu, daha sonra ise kapitalizm kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n unsurlar\u0131, anti-kom\u00fcnizmi ve alternatif olarak \u00f6nerdi\u011fi milliyet\u00e7i sosyalist toplum d\u00fczeni \u00fczerinde durulacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Top\u00e7u\u2019nun muhafazakar milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi
\nNurettin Top\u00e7u T\u00fcrk milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi ideolojisi i\u00e7erisinde yer alan ve muhafazak\u00e2r bir nitelik ta\u015f\u0131yan \u201cAnadolucuk\u201d ak\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n en \u00f6nemli temsilcilerinden biridir. Anadolucu ak\u0131m Ziya G\u00f6kalp\u2019in Turanc\u0131 milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fine bir tepki olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f, milliyet\u00e7ilik anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n eksenine Anadolu co\u011frafyas\u0131n\u0131 yerle\u015ftirmi\u015f, Anadolu topraklar\u0131 \u00fczerinde ya\u015fayan M\u00fcsl\u00fcman T\u00fcrk milletini esas alan bir anlay\u0131\u015fa sahip olmu\u015ftur (5). Nurettin Top\u00e7u, M\u00fckrimin Halil Yinan\u00e7, Hilmi Ziya \u00dclken ve Remzi O\u011fuz Ar\u0131k\u2019la birlikte Anadoluculuk ak\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnsel \u00e7er\u00e7evesinin olu\u015fumuna b\u00fcy\u00fck katk\u0131da bulunmu\u015ftur. Top\u00e7u\u2019nun d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnsel ser\u00fcveniyle, T\u00fcrk muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n geli\u015fimi aras\u0131nda kimi paralelliklerden s\u00f6z etmek m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. Top\u00e7u, 1930\u2019lu y\u0131llarda bulundu\u011fu Fransa\u2019da \u201cH\u0131ristiyan mistik d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrlerinin Avrupa sanayi uygarl\u0131\u011f\u0131na getirdi\u011fi ele\u015ftiriler\u201din (\u00d6\u011f\u00fcn, 1992: 67) ve di\u011fer erken d\u00f6nem T\u00fcrk muhafazak\u00e2rlar\u0131 gibi \u201cBergson ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere, irrasyonalist hayat felsefeleri\u201dnin (Bora, 1999:77) etkisi alt\u0131nda kalacak ve mistisizmi benimseyecektir. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye d\u00f6nd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde ise Nak\u015fibend\u00eeli\u011fin G\u00fcm\u00fc\u015fhanevi ekol\u00fcn\u00fcn temsilcilerinden Abd\u00fclaziz Bekine\u2019ye intisap eder (6). 1939 y\u0131l\u0131nda, \u0130zmir\u2019de Hareket dergisini \u00e7\u0131karmaya ba\u015flayan Top\u00e7u, burada yay\u0131nlanan ve \u201cputla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir \u00f6nder\u201dden bahseden \u201c\u00c7alg\u0131c\u0131lar\u201d isimli hik\u00e2yesine a\u00e7\u0131lan soru\u015fturma neticesinde Denizli\u2019ye s\u00fcrg\u00fcne g\u00f6nderilir (7). Bu olay, T\u00fcrk muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ink\u0131l\u00e2pla cepheden bir hesapla\u015fma i\u00e7erisine girememi\u015f olmas\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klay\u0131c\u0131 bir \u00f6rnek olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclebilir. Top\u00e7u, 1950 y\u0131l\u0131ndan sonra, T\u00fcrk milliyet\u00e7ili\u011finin\/muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme giri\u015fimlerine paralel bir \u015fekilde, Demokrat Parti\u2019li Sait Bilgi\u00e7 ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131nda kurulan ve anti-kom\u00fcnist bir niteli\u011fi bulunan \u201cT\u00fcrk Milliyet\u00e7iler Derne\u011fi\u201d i\u00e7erisinde yer alacakt\u0131r. Dernek, 1952 y\u0131l\u0131nda Ahmet Emin Yalman\u2019a d\u00fczenlenen suikast\u0131n ard\u0131ndan kapat\u0131lacak; lakin Top\u00e7u, 1954 y\u0131l\u0131nda yeniden a\u00e7\u0131lan derne\u011fin 1963 y\u0131l\u0131na kadar manevi liderli\u011fini y\u00fcr\u00fctecektir. 1963 y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan, kendisini tamamen entelekt\u00fcel \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131na verecek ve bu \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalarla mukaddesat\u00e7\u0131 kamp i\u00e7erisindeki ayr\u0131ks\u0131 konumunu peki\u015ftirecektir.
\nTop\u00e7u\u2019nun 1939-1942 aral\u0131\u011f\u0131nda \u00e7\u0131kan Hareket dergisinde yay\u0131nlanan makaleleri esas olarak anti-materyalist ve anti-pozitivist bir s\u00f6yleme sahip dini ve felsefi makalelerdir. 1947-1949 y\u0131llar\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki Hareket yaz\u0131lar\u0131nda ise Anadolucu milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin teorik \u00e7er\u00e7evesini belirginle\u015ftirme, sistematize etme \u00e7abas\u0131 g\u00f6ze \u00e7arpmaktad\u0131r. 1950\u2019li y\u0131llarda yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 yaz\u0131larda Top\u00e7u, \u015fiddetli bir anti-kom\u00fcnist s\u00f6ylemi benimser; fakat bu, T\u00fcrk sa\u011f\u0131n\u0131n genel s\u00f6yleminden farkl\u0131 olarak hamaset edebiyat\u0131na yaslanmaz, felsefi ve teorik olmak gibi bir kayg\u0131s\u0131 vard\u0131r. 1960\u2019lardan itibaren yay\u0131nlanan yaz\u0131lar\u0131nda ise milliyet\u00e7ilik-muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131k sentezini geli\u015ftirmek i\u00e7in b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7aba harcayacak, \u015fiddetli anti-kom\u00fcnizmine, n\u00fcveleri d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesine en ba\u015f\u0131ndan beri i\u00e7kin ve en az anti-kom\u00fcnizmi kadar \u015fiddetli olan modernite ve kapitalizmin k\u00f6ktenci ele\u015ftirisi de eklenecektir. \u0130slam sosyalizmi kavram\u0131n\u0131 ise, kendisine mukaddesat\u00e7\u0131 kamptan y\u00f6neltilen sert ele\u015ftirileri de g\u00f6ze alarak, 1965 y\u0131l\u0131ndan itibaren a\u00e7\u0131k bir \u015fekilde kullanmaya ba\u015flar
\nTop\u00e7u\u2019nun milliyet\u00e7ilik anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131nda T\u00fcrkl\u00fck ve \u0130slam ayr\u0131lmaz bir b\u00fct\u00fcnd\u00fcr. Milletlerin hayat\u0131nda ya\u015fat\u0131c\u0131 kuvvetler oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yleyen Top\u00e7u\u2019ya g\u00f6re, \u201cAlmanya\u2019da ordu kuvveti, \u0130ngiltere\u2019de iktisadi kuvvet, Fransa\u2019da k\u00fclt\u00fcr ve muallim bu milletlerin hayati kaynaklar\u0131\u201d olmu\u015ftur. T\u00fcrk milletinin hayati kayna\u011f\u0131 ise dindir. \u201cAt\u0131n\u0131 aslanca s\u00fcren, k\u0131l\u0131c\u0131n\u0131 mertlikle kullanan, kalbi \u015fefkatle dolu, canl\u0131, ne\u015feli bir \u0131rk, \u015eamanl\u0131k denilen sihirbaz ibadetinin dar ve ruhsuz kal\u0131b\u0131nda cevherini\u201d i\u015fleyemeyecektir. Bu cevherin i\u015flenebilece\u011fi \u201chayat unsuru\u201d ise \u0130slam\u2019d\u0131r ([1969],1978: 24) (8). \u201c\u0130slam az zamanda T\u00fcrkl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn hayat damarlar\u0131n\u0131 doldurarak bu millet varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n esasl\u0131 unsurlar\u0131n\u0131 harekete\u201d ge\u00e7irmi\u015ftir ([1969],1978: 19). \u0130slam\u2019dan ayr\u0131lmas\u0131 halinde ise \u201cT\u00fcrkl\u00fck yok olmaya mahk\u00fbm\u201d olacakt\u0131r. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc \u201cmilletimiz\u201din maddi yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 O\u011fuzlar te\u015fkil etmekte, ruhunu ise \u0130slam meydana getirmektedir. Top\u00e7u, \u0130slamc\u0131lar\u0131n ruhu, ink\u0131l\u00e2p\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n, yani Kemalistlerin ise bedeni sahiplendiklerini s\u00f6yler. Bunlar\u0131n \u201cikisi de \u0130slam\u2019a kar\u015f\u0131d\u0131r\u201d ve \u201cbiri i\u00e7inden, \u00f6b\u00fcr\u00fc d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndan \u0130slam dinini \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fctmektedirler. \u0130kisi birbirinden tehlikelidir.\u201d ([1970],1978: 20)
\nTop\u00e7u, \u201chakiki\u201d T\u00fcrk milliyet\u00e7ili\u011finin ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 tarihi olarak 1071 y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6sterir ve Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu\u2019ndan milli bir devlet diye s\u00f6z eder. 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n sonunda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan \u0130ttihat ve Terakki milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fini ise Osmanl\u0131 milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fine kin duyan \u201cYahudi-Mason te\u015fkilat\u0131n\u0131n ma\u015fas\u0131\u201d olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcr. Ziya G\u00f6kalp\u2019i \u201c\u0130ttihat ve Terakki \u00e7etesinin propagandac\u0131s\u0131\u201d olarak nitelendiren Top\u00e7u\u2019ya g\u00f6re G\u00f6kalp\u2019in milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi \u201cruh\u00e7u milliyet\u00e7ilikten maddeci milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fe ge\u00e7i\u015f yolunda at\u0131lan ilk ad\u0131md\u0131(r)\u201d ve Kemalizmin milliyet\u00e7ilik anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 da t\u0131pk\u0131 \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc gibi maddeci bir esasa dayanmaktad\u0131r ([1972],1978: 33\u201334). Top\u00e7u bu maddeci anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131na Anadolucu ak\u0131m\u0131 koyar ve \u015f\u00f6yle der:
\n\u201cAnadolucular, ger\u00e7ek milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fimizi bin y\u0131ll\u0131k tarihimizden \u00e7\u0131kararak onun kalbine \u0130slam\u2019\u0131 koydular. Turanc\u0131lar\u0131n maddeci \u00fctopizmin(e) ve alt\u0131 oklular\u0131n kaba maddeci realizmine kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k Anadoluculu\u011fun getirdi\u011fi ruh\u00e7u idealizm, co\u011frafyan\u0131n ger\u00e7e\u011finde ebedili\u011fe g\u00f6z koyan ruhlar\u0131n selamet davas\u0131n\u0131 ya\u015fat\u0131yordu.\u201d ([1972],1978: 35)
\nTop\u00e7u\u2019ya g\u00f6re, \u0130slamc\u0131lar dini \u201csoy ve vatan\u201ddan ayr\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015fler, \u201cco\u011frafya ile iktisad\u0131n millet varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n iskeleti oldu\u011funu, \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n da ona hayat verici ruh oldu\u011funu, ruhun bedenden, bedenin de ruhtan ayr\u0131lamayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131\u201d anlamam\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Turanc\u0131lar ise soyu milletle kar\u0131\u015ft\u0131rm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Oysa \u201chakikatte yaln\u0131z bir Latin milleti, Cermen Milleti, \u0130slav milleti olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi bir Turan milleti de\u201d bulunmamaktad\u0131r ([1939],1978:44-45).
\n\u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k ve Turanc\u0131l\u0131ktan farkl\u0131 olarak, Top\u00e7u\u2019nun milliyet\u00e7ili\u011findeki ana arg\u00fcman maddi ve manevi anlam\u0131yla Anadolu\u2019dur. Anadolu, maddi anlam\u0131yla, tar\u0131msal \u00fcretimin yerle\u015fik oldu\u011fu ve \u00fczerinde topra\u011fa ba\u011fl\u0131 \u00e7ift\u00e7i kavimlerin ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir co\u011frafyaya i\u015faret ederken; manevi anlam\u0131yla, T\u00fcrkl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn \u0130slam\u2019la bulu\u015farak \u201cmilli tarihimizin ortaya koydu\u011fu en b\u00fcy\u00fck ve evrensel ink\u0131l\u00e2p\u201d\u0131n ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131na vesile olan, \u0131rktan millete ge\u00e7i\u015fin kutsal mek\u00e2n\u0131d\u0131r. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Top\u00e7u\u2019nun milliyet\u00e7ili\u011finin \u00f6znesi olan millet, \u201cAnadolu\u2019nun dokuz y\u00fcz y\u0131ll\u0131k tarihinin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn olaylar\u0131n\u0131n, inan\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n ve mefahirinin, ahlak\u0131n\u0131n, sanat\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7ocu\u011fudur.\u201d ([1972],1978: 52)
\nTop\u00e7u\u2019nun milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi muhafazak\u00e2r bir milliyet\u00e7iliktir. \u201cMilliyette muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131k, millet hayat\u0131n\u0131 kurmu\u015f olan kaynaklar\u0131n\u0131n feyzinin muhafazas\u0131 demektir\u201d diyen Top\u00e7u\u2019ya g\u00f6re, \u201cmilliyet, muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131kla beraberdir ve ger\u00e7ek milliyet\u00e7i ister istemez muhafazak\u00e2rd\u0131r.\u201d ([1970],1978:222\u2013223) Top\u00e7u\u2019nun muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n \u201cevrensel\u201d boyutunda, t\u00fcm muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131klarda oldu\u011fu gibi, h\u0131zl\u0131 ve k\u00f6kl\u00fc de\u011fi\u015fim kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda duydu\u011fu \u00f6fke bulunmaktad\u0131r. Bu \u00f6fke, onun Tanzimat\u2019\u0131n ve Kemalizmin modernle\u015fme projesine yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131nda somutla\u015f\u0131r ve ayn\u0131 zamanda bu projeyle ger\u00e7ek bir hesapla\u015fma i\u00e7erisine girmekten uzunca bir s\u00fcre ka\u00e7\u0131nan T\u00fcrk muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7erisindeki ayr\u0131ks\u0131 konumuna da i\u015faret eder. Ancak a\u015fa\u011f\u0131daki sat\u0131rlardan da anla\u015f\u0131laca\u011f\u0131 gibi, bu \u00f6fke \u00e7o\u011fu kez \u201cara\u00e7sal\u201d bir nitelik ta\u015f\u0131r. Top\u00e7u\u2019nun T\u00fcrk modernle\u015fmesine muar\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131, anti-kom\u00fcnizmi i\u00e7in bir s\u0131\u00e7rama tahtas\u0131 niteli\u011fi ta\u015f\u0131maktad\u0131r:
\n\u201cTanzimat\u00e7\u0131lar ve sonradan onlar\u0131n bu hareket tarz\u0131n\u0131 tekrarlayan ink\u0131l\u00e2p\u00e7\u0131lar, millet hayat\u0131m\u0131zdaki gev\u015feyi\u015fin ve bug\u00fcnk\u00fc peri\u015fanl\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n sebebi oldular. Onlar d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmediler ki, sosyal \u015fekiller de\u011fi\u015fiktir ve ebedi kal\u0131c\u0131 de\u011fildir. Ancak bunlar\u0131 ya\u015fatan ve her birine de\u011fi\u015fik \u015fekilleri alt\u0131nda hayat veren de\u011fi\u015fmez kaynaklar vard\u0131r. Milleti kuran bu kaynaklar kurutulursa d\u0131\u015far\u0131dan i\u011freti ve perakende olarak al\u0131nan kuvvetler bir milleti ya\u015fatamazlar ve milletin iman\u0131na mal olmazlar. B\u00fcy\u00fck milletlerin kuvvet ve azametindeki s\u0131rr\u0131 bunlar d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmediler. Her \u015feyi her an de\u011fi\u015ftirebilen ve yerine daha iyisini getirebilmek iddias\u0131 ile eski kurumlardan herhangi birisini feda etmekten \u00e7ekinmeyen bir ink\u0131l\u00e2p\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n ak\u0131beti ne olabilirdi? Bu tarzda ink\u0131l\u00e2ba al\u0131\u015fkanl\u0131k, onu hareketlerimizin prensibi olarak kabul etmek, sonunda bize ait hi\u00e7bir kurum, milletin kaynaklar\u0131ndan hi\u00e7bir esas\u0131n kalmay\u0131\u015f\u0131yla neticelendi. B\u00f6yle olunca kom\u00fcnizme kolayca kap\u0131lan bir nesli kendi elimizle haz\u0131rlam\u0131\u015f olduk.\u201d ([1970],1978:224, italik bana ait)
\nKom\u00fcnizmin hayaleti, 1960\u2019lar\u0131n T\u00fcrkiye\u2019sinin ve entelekt\u00fcel \u00fcretiminin \u00f6nemlice bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc 60\u2019lar T\u00fcrkiye\u2019sinde ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftiren Top\u00e7u\u2019nun fikriyat\u0131n\u0131n \u00fczerinde \u00e7ok uzun bir s\u00fcreden beri dolan\u0131p durmaktad\u0131r ve anti-kom\u00fcnizm, onun k\u00f6ktenci modernite kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve bundan kaynaklanan anti-kapitalizmi i\u00e7in en b\u00fcy\u00fck motivasyon kayna\u011f\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturmaktad\u0131r. Top\u00e7u\u2019nun 1960\u2019lara kadar, daha \u00e7ok mistik bir nitelik ta\u015f\u0131yan ve \u201cgazete\u201d ya da \u201c\u015fof\u00f6r\u201d gibi metaforlarla bi\u00e7imlenen kitle ileti\u015fim ve ula\u015f\u0131m ara\u00e7lar\u0131na y\u00f6nelik \u00f6fkesinde somutla\u015fan modernle\u015fme kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ile b\u00fcy\u00fck sermayeye duydu\u011fu \u00f6fkede somutla\u015fan kapitalizm kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131, 60\u2019lardan itibaren kom\u00fcnizm denen en b\u00fcy\u00fck k\u00f6t\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc yaratan kapitalizmin ve kapitalist modernle\u015fmenin, k\u00f6ktenci niteli\u011fi kesin olan iktisadi ve siyasi ele\u015ftirisine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fecek ve ilk ipu\u00e7lar\u0131 1950\u2019li y\u0131llarda yazd\u0131klar\u0131nda bulunabilecek olan, hem kapitalizme hem de kom\u00fcnizme alternatif bir siyasi proje \u00fczerine d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmesine yol a\u00e7acakt\u0131r. Buna g\u00f6re, modernle\u015fme ve kapitalizm, kom\u00fcnizmi do\u011furmu\u015ftur; bu ikisi var oldu\u011fu m\u00fcddet\u00e7e kom\u00fcnizmin ortadan kalkmayaca\u011f\u0131 a\u015fik\u00e2r oldu\u011funa g\u00f6re, kom\u00fcnizmi yok etmenin tek yolu, modernitenin ve kapitalizmin ilgas\u0131 ve bunun yerine yeni (daha do\u011frusu eski!) bir sistemin kurulmas\u0131 olacakt\u0131r. \u0130zleyen b\u00f6l\u00fcmde Top\u00e7u\u2019nun anti-kapitalizmi ve bunun anti-kom\u00fcnist k\u00f6kenleri tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

\u201cKom\u00fcnizm tehlikesi\u201dne kar\u015f\u0131 bir aray\u0131\u015f: Top\u00e7u\u2019nun anti-kapitalizmi<\/strong>
\nTop\u00e7u\u2019nun anti-kapitalizminde ba\u015fvurdu\u011fu arg\u00fcmanlar \u00e7o\u011fu kez a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a \u201cromantik\u201d (9) \u00f6\u011feler i\u00e7eren \u201cmarksizan\u201d bir nitelik ta\u015f\u0131r. Kapitalizmin ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131yla birlikte, \u201cd\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131nda istismar esas\u0131na dayanan\u201d sermaye s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131yla yoksullar aras\u0131nda bir s\u0131n\u0131fla\u015fman\u0131n do\u011fdu\u011funu s\u00f6yleyen Top\u00e7u\u2019ya g\u00f6re, bu s\u0131n\u0131fla\u015fmay\u0131 yaln\u0131zca \u201cpatron-amele s\u0131n\u0131fla\u015fmas\u0131\u201d olarak g\u00f6rmek do\u011fru olmayacakt\u0131r. Top\u00e7u \u00e7ok daha \u201cradikal\u201d bir tutum alarak, sermayenin kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131na toplumu, do\u011fay\u0131 ve hayat\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131r:
\n\u201cB\u00fcy\u00fck sermayenin m\u00fccadele sahnesinde bulundu\u011fu ve ameleden ba\u015flayarak tabiat\u0131, kazan\u00e7 vas\u0131talar\u0131n\u0131, te\u015febb\u00fcs imk\u00e2nlar\u0131n\u0131, sahneleri, gazeteleri ve se\u00e7imleri bile sat\u0131n alabildi\u011fi bu devirde, sermaye sahiplerinin ayaklar\u0131 alt\u0131nda ezilen, yaln\u0131z amele de\u011fil, belki b\u00fct\u00fcn cemiyet ve b\u00fct\u00fcn hayatt\u0131r. Bu y\u00fczden bug\u00fcnk\u00fc s\u0131n\u0131fla\u015fmada cemiyeti, sermaye s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve halk s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 diye ikiye ay\u0131rmak do\u011fru olur.\u201d ([1951],1978:140)
\nSermayeden \u201cne bedenin ne de ruhun eseri olmayan yabanc\u0131 bir canavar unsur\u201d \u015feklinde bahseden Top\u00e7u, \u201cinsan\u0131n ruh ve bedeninin d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda bulunan, her ikisine de yabanc\u0131 olan sermaye\u201dnin \u201cinsan\u0131n kendi bedeninin veya ruhunun has eseri\u201d olan emekle de\u011fi\u015ftirildi\u011fini s\u00f6yler. Sermayedar, \u201cmal\u0131n as\u0131l sahibi olan sat\u0131c\u0131ya [\u00fcreticiye-F.Y] sadece bir kar\u0131n toklu\u011funun kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 b\u0131rakm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u2018Buna raz\u0131 olmazsan mal\u0131n\u0131 hi\u00e7 satt\u0131rmam, seni a\u00e7l\u0131ktan \u00f6l\u00fcme mahk\u00fbm ettiririm\u2019 diye onu yola getirmi\u015ftir ve d\u00fcnya pazar\u0131na b\u00f6yle bir d\u00fczen vermi\u015ftir. ([1978],1999:181\u2013182)
\nTop\u00e7u, \u201c\u015fahsiyetin bir par\u00e7as\u0131\u201d olarak bireysel m\u00fclkiyeti kabul eder. Ancak \u201cm\u00fclk bilakis insan \u015fahsiyetini tahrip edince ve ba\u015fka \u015fahsiyetlerin de tahribi i\u00e7in bir silah olarak kullan\u0131l\u0131nca ona h\u00fcrmetin sebep ve hikmeti de ortadan kalkm\u0131\u015f olur.\u201d ([1953],1978:146) Top\u00e7u, m\u00fclkiyet ile \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck aras\u0131nda liberal kuram\u0131n tam tersi y\u00f6nde ve \u201cMarksist\u201d bir kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131k kurar:
\n\u201cM\u00fclk kendi sahibine kendini kullanma h\u00fcrriyetini ba\u011f\u0131\u015flar; ba\u015fkalar\u0131n\u0131 bu h\u00fcrriyetten men eder. B\u00fcy\u00fck m\u00fclk geni\u015fledik\u00e7e, bir fert i\u00e7in h\u00fcrriyet ve saadet mevzuu olan \u015fey, say\u0131s\u0131 kendi geni\u015fli\u011fi nispetinde \u00e7o\u011falan ba\u015fka fertler i\u00e7in yasak ve esaret mevzuu olur. ([1953],1978:149)
\nTop\u00e7u, \u201cmakine\u201dye kar\u015f\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck bir \u00f6fke duymaktad\u0131r. \u201cKalb ve iman\u201d\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131na makineyi yerle\u015ftirir ve makinenin bu ikisini bo\u011fmaktaki muvaffakiyetinden s\u00f6z eder. \u201cAvrupa\u2019da do\u011fan makine istibdad\u0131 z\u00fcmrelerin amans\u0131z menfaatlerine dayanan insafs\u0131z, merhametsiz bir milliyet anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131yla yan yana ilerleyerek\u201d milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi ve emperyalizmi yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r Top\u00e7u\u2019ya g\u00f6re ([1943],1978: 82). Ba\u015fka bir yerde ise, makinenin olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201co g\u00fczel g\u00fcnler\u201dden \u015fu \u015fekilde s\u00f6z eder:
\n\u201cO zaman b\u00fcy\u00fck meydanlarda heykeller yoktu. Lakin memleket havas\u0131nda a\u015fk ile \u00fcmitten yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015f abideler y\u00fckseliyordu, u\u00e7uyorlard\u0131. \u0130nsan onlar\u0131n arkas\u0131ndan ko\u015fuyordu ve ko\u015fmaktan usanm\u0131yordu. Usan\u00e7 bilmiyordu, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc makineyi bilmiyordu. \u0130nsan insana hayrand\u0131; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc makineye hayranl\u0131k hen\u00fcz do\u011fmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. \u0130nsanlar aras\u0131nda yap\u0131lan yar\u0131\u015fma idi. \u0130htiraslar insanl\u0131k tepelerine t\u0131rmanmak istiyordu. Makine ile me\u015f\u2019um yar\u0131\u015fma hen\u00fcz d\u00fcnyay\u0131 karartmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131.\u201d ([1968],1978:163) (10)
\nYine de, kapitalizmin en b\u00fcy\u00fck g\u00fcnah\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ya da d\u0131\u015fsal g\u00fc\u00e7lerin birey \u00fczerinde kurdu\u011fu ili\u015fki de\u011fildir; kapitalizm, en b\u00fcy\u00fck g\u00fcnah\u0131 kom\u00fcnizmi ortaya \u00e7\u0131karmakla i\u015flemi\u015ftir. \u201cKom\u00fcnizmin mesul\u00fc, insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n sefaleti kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda asla mesuliyet ta\u015f\u0131mayan nank\u00f6r ve insafs\u0131z kapitalizmdir.\u201d ([1969],2004:113) \u00dcstelik \u201cbug\u00fcnk\u00fc kom\u00fcnizm yery\u00fcz\u00fcnden kald\u0131r\u0131lsa bile, kapitalist zul\u00fcm bir adalet sistemi i\u00e7inde erimedik\u00e7e, daima kom\u00fcnist intikam\u0131 insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n pe\u015fini b\u0131rakmayacakt\u0131r.\u201d ([1951],1978:99) Bu nedenle, Top\u00e7u\u2019nun modernite ve kapitalizm kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n felsefi alandan iktisadi alana do\u011fru giderek sertlik dozaj\u0131 artan bir \u015fekilde evrilmesinin ard\u0131ndaki temel motivasyon kayna\u011f\u0131n\u0131n kom\u00fcnizm oldu\u011funu rahatl\u0131kla s\u00f6yleyebiliriz: Hem bir ideoloji olarak kom\u00fcnizm, hem de 1960\u2019lar ve 70\u2019ler T\u00fcrkiye\u2019sinin akt\u00fcel politik bir hareketi olarak kom\u00fcnizm. Top\u00e7u\u2019nun, anti-kom\u00fcnist politik projesinin, yani a\u015fa\u011f\u0131da \u00fczerinde duraca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z ruh\u00e7u sosyalizm anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015fta gelen amac\u0131 kom\u00fcnizm tehlikesinin \u00f6nlenmesidir. Ruh\u00e7u sosyalizm anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131na dayal\u0131, ahlak temelleri \u00fczerinde y\u00fckselen ve otoriter bir devletin h\u00e2kim oldu\u011fu bir d\u00fczen, kapitalizmin adaletsizliklerini ortadan kald\u0131racak, bu ise kom\u00fcnizmin varolu\u015f nedenini ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 sona erdirecektir.
\nTop\u00e7u\u2019nun anti-kom\u00fcnizminin temellerinde yer alan unsurlar nelerdir? \u0130lk olarak, Top\u00e7u\u2019yu evrensel bir ideoloji olarak muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131\u011fa eklemleyen, devrimci de\u011fi\u015fimlere y\u00f6nelik b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6fkesinden s\u00f6z etmek gerekir. Kom\u00fcnizm, uzun y\u0131llar s\u00fcren do\u011fal bir evrim neticesinde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan toplumsal d\u00fczeni yok etmek istemektedir:
\n\u201cTarihi evrim, b\u00fct\u00fcn i\u00e7timai m\u00fcesseselerin bir yerde yok olmay\u0131p yenilerini do\u011furmak suretiyle yarat\u0131c\u0131l\u0131klara kabiliyetli oldu\u011funu g\u00f6stermektedir. Evrim eskinin yeniye v\u00fccut vermesidir ve her yenide eskinin hayat\u0131ndan pek \u00e7ok elemanlar bulunmaktad\u0131r. Eskiyi d\u0131\u015ftan darbe ile yok etmek, k\u00f6klerinden budamakla evrim durdurulur. Milletlerin hayat\u0131n\u0131n deste\u011fi olan mukaddesat sistemi, bug\u00fcnk\u00fc varl\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n yarat\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 olan ve maziden bize do\u011fru uzanan tabii bir olu\u015fumun mahsul\u00fcd\u00fcr. \u0130nsanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n mukaddesat ad\u0131 alt\u0131nda toplanan evrim eserini, kin ile kar\u015f\u0131layan kom\u00fcnistler, ihtilalci metodlariyle, bu eseri yok etme\u011fe \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yorlar. Bunlar; hem insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n, hem de evrim ad\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131yan tabiat kanununun d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131d\u0131rlar.\u201d ([1950],1999:238\u2013239)
\n\u0130kinci olarak \u00fczerinde durulmas\u0131 gereken, kom\u00fcnistlerin evrim neticesinde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan b\u00fct\u00fcn \u201cmukaddes\u201d kurumlara kar\u015f\u0131 duyduklar\u0131 nefret ve y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131d\u0131r. \u201cKom\u00fcnizm, insan varl\u0131\u011f\u0131na \u00e7evrilmi\u015f bir kin sistemidir. M\u00fclkiyete, maziye, nizama, ahlaka, vicdana, bir kelime ile insana kar\u015f\u0131 kin\u2026\u201d ([1962],1999:282) Evrimin ortaya \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve Top\u00e7u\u2019nun medeniyetin temelleri dedi\u011fi kurum ve de\u011ferlere y\u00f6nelik bu \u00f6fke ise kom\u00fcnizmi \u201cgerici\u201d yapmaktad\u0131r. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc kom\u00fcnistler, \u201cevrim kanununa uymak suretiyle, i\u00e7timai hayat\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn sahalar\u0131nda m\u00fcsabaka meydan\u0131na at\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bulunan insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n millet rejimi i\u00e7inde ortaya koyduklar\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn eserleri k\u00f6k\u00fcnden budayarak tekrar geriye ve yar\u0131\u015f\u0131n ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 noktas\u0131ndaki ilkel hale g\u00f6t\u00fcrmek\u201d istemektedirler ([1951],1999:275).
\nTop\u00e7u\u2019nun anti-kom\u00fcnizminde \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc olarak \u00fczerinde durulmas\u0131 gereken ve en \u00f6nemli olan \u00f6\u011fe ise, onun din ve maneviyat ile kom\u00fcnizm aras\u0131nda kurdu\u011fu kesin kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131kt\u0131r. Top\u00e7u\u2019ya g\u00f6re, \u201cd\u00fcnyam\u0131zda, ideallerin en y\u00fcksek seviyesini din\u201d temsil etmektedir. Dinin yery\u00fcz\u00fcndeki en b\u00fcy\u00fck d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131 ise kom\u00fcnizmdir:
\n\u201cDin, ruhun a\u015fk\u0131n\u0131 ya\u015fat\u0131yor. Kom\u00fcnizm nefsin dinini kuvvetlendiriyor. (\u2026) Dindar \u2018af ve merhamet saati geldi, rahmet kap\u0131lar\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131ld\u0131\u2019 diye g\u00f6zleri ya\u015fararak, ellerini Allah\u2019a a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 zaman, kom\u00fcnistler \u2018intikam \u00e7an\u0131 \u00e7ald\u0131, di\u015fler ve t\u0131rnaklar bilendi\u2019 diye yumruklar\u0131n\u0131 s\u0131k\u0131yor. Din, a\u015fk ve iman\u0131n \u00e7ocu\u011fu, kom\u00fcnizm ise yeisle intikam\u0131n pen\u00e7esidir. (\u2026) Esasen, kom\u00fcnizm fert olan insan\u0131 bir de\u011fer halinde tan\u0131m\u0131yor. \u0130nsanl\u0131\u011f\u0131, bir k\u00fctle, bir s\u00fcr\u00fc haline koymak istiyor. Ferde ait de\u011ferler onu alakadar etmez, onda fert m\u00fcphem bir insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n kininde erimi\u015ftir. Din ise ferdin ruhunu alarak, yine ferdin gayretleriyle Allah\u2019a yakla\u015ft\u0131rmak istiyor. Din ile kom\u00fcnizm aras\u0131ndaki sonuncu bir fark da dinin h\u00fcrriyet, kom\u00fcnizmin esaret kayna\u011f\u0131 olu\u015flar\u0131d\u0131r. H\u00fcrriyet yarat\u0131c\u0131l\u0131kt\u0131r.\u201d ([1950],1999:280)
\nTop\u00e7u\u2019ya g\u00f6re, kom\u00fcnizmin ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131labilmesi i\u00e7in, onu do\u011furan ana nedenin, yani kapitalizmin ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 gerekmektedir. Top\u00e7u\u2019nun maddeci kolektivizm olarak adland\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 kom\u00fcnizme kar\u015f\u0131 \u201cgeli\u015ftirdi\u011fi\u201d proje \u201csipirit\u00fcalist kolektivizm\u201d de dedi\u011fi ([1950],1999:234) \u201cruh\u00e7u sosyalizm\u201ddir. T\u00fcrkiye ve hatta b\u00fct\u00fcn Do\u011fu toplumlar\u0131n\u0131n \u201ckom\u00fcnizmin zehirli t\u0131rnaklar\u0131ndan korunmak i\u00e7in, benimsedi\u011fi sosyalist sistem, kendisinin b\u00fct\u00fcn gelenekleriyle milli hususiyetlerini b\u00fcnyesinde birle\u015ftirmi\u015f bulunan ruh\u00e7u ve milliyet\u00e7i sosyalizm olacakt\u0131r.\u201d ([?],1978: 204)
\nBu noktada, \u201cruh\u00e7u sosyalizm\u201din ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 anlama ge\u00e7meden \u00f6nce, Top\u00e7u\u2019nun siyasal projesinin onu yakla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201cdevrimci muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131k\u201dtan s\u00f6z etmek gerekiyor. Devrimci-muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131k, 1. D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 ertesinde ya\u015fanan y\u0131k\u0131m\u0131n ard\u0131ndan moderniteye ve rasyonalizme kar\u015f\u0131 do\u011fan bir tepkinin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc olarak nitelendirilebilir. Muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131k b\u00fcy\u00fck bir alt \u00fcst olu\u015fun ya\u015fand\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu d\u00f6nemde radikal bir karaktere b\u00fcr\u00fcnerek \u201cyitirilen mitosu ve de\u011ferleri politika yoluyla yeniden in\u015fa etme\u201d iddias\u0131n\u0131 dillendirmi\u015ftir. Devrimci- muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131k \u201ckuvvetli bir anti-kapitalizme ve do\u011frudan do\u011fruya kom\u00fcnist imge ve sloganlar\u0131n uyarlanmas\u0131na yaslanan stat\u00fcko kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 radikal\u201d bir s\u00f6ylem kullanm\u0131\u015f, 1930\u2019lu y\u0131llarda ise nasyonal sosyalizmin sol kanad\u0131na \u201cink\u0131l\u00e2p\u201d etmi\u015ftir. (Bora, 1999:67) Peki devrimci muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201cdevrimci k\u0131lan nedir? Arg\u0131n\u2019a g\u00f6re, d\u00fcnyadaki de\u011fi\u015fimin radikalle\u015fmesine paralel bir \u015fekilde radikalle\u015fen muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131k i\u00e7in b\u00f6ylesi bir radikalle\u015fme durumunda gelecek, bug\u00fcn\u00fcn devam\u0131 olmaktan \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r ve tam da bu nedenle \u201c\u2018bug\u00fcn\u2019\u00fcn imha edilip yerine \u2018ge\u00e7mi\u015f\u2019in ihyas\u0131n\u0131 gerektiren bir zaman kipi haline gelmi\u015f demektir.\u201d Muhafazak\u00e2r;
\n\u201cgelecekten hala herhangi bir medet ummaz; onun \u015fimdi pe\u015fine d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u015fey \u2018yarat\u0131lacak\u2019 olan de\u011fil, sadece ve sadece geri al\u0131nacak olan bir \u2018gelecek\u2019tir. Bu nedenle o gelece\u011fi kurmaktan s\u00f6z eden bir anar\u015fistten ya da sosyalistten farkl\u0131 olarak gelece\u011fi kurtarmaktan s\u00f6z eder.\u201d (Arg\u0131n, 2003: 473)
\nTop\u00e7u da, moderniteye kar\u015f\u0131 gelene\u011fin h\u00fck\u00fcmranl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 yeniden ihdas edebilmek i\u00e7in bir ink\u0131l\u00e2b\u0131n zaruretinden s\u00f6z eder. Bu ink\u0131l\u00e2b\u0131n nas\u0131l bir politik strateji izleyece\u011fi, hangi kadrolarla, hangi s\u0131n\u0131flarla yap\u0131laca\u011f\u0131 \u00fczerinde pek durulmam\u0131\u015fsa da, amac\u0131 gayet sarihtir:
\n\u201c\u0130nk\u0131l\u00e2p yapaca\u011f\u0131z. Bizim r\u00f6nesans\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n m\u00fcjdecisi bin k\u00fcsur y\u0131ll\u0131k \u0130slam tefekk\u00fcr ve ihtiras\u0131n\u0131n metodlu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc\u015f ve ilim zihniyetiyle birle\u015fti\u011fi yerdeki ayd\u0131nl\u0131kta bulunacakt\u0131r. Bizim iktidar ve merkeziyet prensipleriyle adalet ve mesuliyet ideallerini el ele ilerletmi\u015f devletimiz vard\u0131r. Bizim romantizmimiz tohumlar\u0131n\u0131, bir taraftan da\u011flar\u0131 dile getiren a\u015fk destanlariyle Anadolu\u2019nun halk edebiyat\u0131nda, di\u011fer taraftan ilahi ruhu yery\u00fcz\u00fcne vahiy ayd\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131 halinde indiren Sel\u00e7uk mimarisinde bulacakt\u0131r. Zehirli otlar elbette yolunacak, sapk\u0131nl\u0131klar ve yabanc\u0131l\u0131klar bertaraf edilecektir. Bu sebepten Divan edebiyat\u0131 ve musibeti ve Servet-i f\u00fcnun facias\u0131, elbette tedrisattan ve terbiye sahas\u0131ndan uzakla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lacak, musikiyi hasta h\u00fclyas\u0131na ba\u011flayan hareket durdurulacakt\u0131r. T\u00fcrk\u00fcn aln\u0131ndaki dehay\u0131 ink\u00e2r ettiren bir as\u0131rl\u0131k taklit hastal\u0131\u011f\u0131 mutlaka mektepten kovulacak, Frans\u0131z\u2019\u0131n veya Alman\u2019\u0131n, nihayet Amerikal\u0131n\u0131n zihniyet ve seciyesine zaman zaman bizi u\u015fak yapan bilgisiz baya\u011f\u0131l\u0131k iflas etti\u011fini anlayacakt\u0131r.\u201d ([1966],2004: 201)
\nPeki muhafazak\u00e2r ink\u0131lab\u0131n ard\u0131ndan ihdas edilecek ruh\u00e7u sosyalizm iktisadi a\u00e7\u0131dan nas\u0131l bir anlam ta\u015f\u0131maktad\u0131r? Top\u00e7u\u2019nun ruh\u00e7u sosyalizmi, bat\u0131l\u0131 muadillerine benzer bir \u015fekilde, \u00fcretimin kapitalizm \u00f6ncesi \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme bi\u00e7imlerinin diriltilmesi esas\u0131na dayanmaktad\u0131r. Top\u00e7u, \u201cm\u00fcthi\u015f bela\u201d olarak adland\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck sanayinin kalk\u0131nma ve refah i\u00e7in bir zaruret oldu\u011funun fark\u0131ndad\u0131r. Yine de bu zarurete kar\u015f\u0131 kimi \u00f6nlemlerin al\u0131nabilece\u011fini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr. Buna g\u00f6re, fabrika \u00fcretimi elden geldi\u011fince b\u00f6l\u00fcnmeli ve k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck at\u00f6lyeler halinde \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmelidir:
\n\u201c\u2026 k\u00f6yl\u00fcye evinde \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma imkan\u0131n\u0131n veren el tezgahlar\u0131yla, kasabal\u0131y\u0131 k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck \u015fehirleri terke mecbur etmeyen imalathaneleri \u00e7o\u011faltmal\u0131y\u0131z. Fabrika istihsali, m\u00fcmk\u00fcn oldu\u011fu kadar, bu imalathanelere da\u011f\u0131t\u0131lmal\u0131d\u0131r. Yani, fabrikalar, imalathaneler \u015feklinde par\u00e7alanmal\u0131d\u0131r. Bunun m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u015fletmeler, istihsal b\u00f6lgelerinde a\u00e7\u0131lmal\u0131 ve mahdut bir saha \u00fczerinde toplanmayarak yurdun her taraf\u0131na da\u011f\u0131t\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olmal\u0131d\u0131r. Esas dava, Anadolu\u2019nun insan\u0131n\u0131, birinci derecede topra\u011fa ba\u011flamak, sanayi sahas\u0131nda \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan elleri de, hi\u00e7bir yerde, fabrikaya muhta\u00e7 duruma sokmamak olmal\u0131d\u0131r.\u201d ([?],1978:199)
\nTop\u00e7u\u2019nun k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck zanaatlar i\u00e7in \u00f6nerdi\u011fi \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme bi\u00e7imi ise lonca sistemidir. Bu zanaatlar, \u201cbug\u00fcnk\u00fc avare halinden kurtar\u0131lmal\u0131, devletin kontrol\u00fc alt\u0131nda, ahlaki gayeler g\u00fcd\u00fcc\u00fc h\u00fcr ve m\u00fcstakil lonca te\u015fkilat\u0131na ba\u011flanmal\u0131d\u0131r ([?],1978:199). K\u00f6yl\u00fcler ise, bir toprak reformu neticesinde toprak sahibi yap\u0131lacak ve ruh\u00e7u sosyalizmin ana unsurunu olu\u015fturacakt\u0131r. Top\u00e7u\u2019nun \u201cdevlet\u00e7ilikle desteklenmi\u015f kooperatif\u00e7ilik\u201d olarak adland\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu sistem, \u201cb\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle devletle\u015ftirilmi\u015f \u00fcretim\u201din \u201c\u00fcretimin azalmas\u0131, rekabetin ortadan kalkmas\u0131 ve milli inki\u015faf imk\u00e2ns\u0131zl\u0131klar\u0131\u201d gibi \u201czararlar\u0131n\u0131\u201d da ortadan kald\u0131racakt\u0131r ([1972],1978: 61\u201362) (11).
\nRuh\u00e7u sosyalizmin siyasi yap\u0131s\u0131 ise a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a otoriter, elitist ve fa\u015fizan nitelikleri haiz bir karakter ta\u015f\u0131maktad\u0131r. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc, \u201cahlak temellerine dayanan bizim arad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z nizam, ancak en kuvvetli devlet\u00e7ilikle kurulabilir.\u201d Top\u00e7u\u2019nun \u201cahlak nizam\u0131\u201dn\u0131n y\u00f6netim ayg\u0131t\u0131n\u0131n tepesinde, daha do\u011frusu kapsay\u0131c\u0131 en d\u0131\u015f \u00e7emberinde, iki g\u00fc\u00e7 bulunmaktad\u0131r. Bunlardan ilki, \u201cilahi iradeyi dosdo\u011fru terc\u00fcme edecek ve her cephede be\u015ferin imdad\u0131na yeti\u015fecek bir dini z\u00fcmre\u201d, ikincisi ise \u201cdevlet iradesini ve insan haklar\u0131n\u0131 bu te\u015fkilatla \u00e7er\u00e7evelenmi\u015f olarak koruyucu olan ve d\u00fcnya \u00fcniversitelerinin hukuk mezunlar\u0131na verilecek daha \u00fcst\u00fcn bir k\u00fclt\u00fcrle yeti\u015fmi\u015f gen\u00e7lerden m\u00fcrekkep bir polis te\u015fkilat\u0131\u201d olacakt\u0131r ([1951]1999: 44). Y\u00f6netim ayg\u0131t\u0131n\u0131n kapsay\u0131c\u0131 d\u0131\u015f \u00e7emberinin i\u00e7inde yer alan ikinci \u00e7emberde ise \u201cilkmektep hocas\u0131 ve h\u00e2kim\u201d gelmektedir. \u0130lk mektep hocalar\u0131, \u00fczerlerindeki dini z\u00fcmrenin kontrol\u00fc alt\u0131ndayken, h\u00e2kimler, \u201ckuvvetin kullan\u0131l\u0131\u015f\u0131nda ilham\u0131 cemaatin hayat\u0131n\u0131 ad\u0131m ad\u0131m, ilim ve anlay\u0131\u015fla takip eden ve kendilerine \u2018adalet memuru\u2019 denilecek olan, y\u00fcksek k\u00fclt\u00fcrl\u00fc ve \u00fcst\u00fcn seciyeli, idealist zab\u0131ta kuvvetinden\u201d alacaklard\u0131r. ([1951],1999: 44\u201345)
\nTop\u00e7u\u2019nun ruh\u00e7u sosyalizminin otoriter niteli\u011finin k\u00f6keninde elitizmin bulundu\u011funu s\u00f6yleyebiliriz. Bu elitist tav\u0131r, en \u00e7ok onun liberal demokrasiye y\u00f6neltti\u011fi ele\u015ftirilerde kristalize olmu\u015ftur. Top\u00e7u\u2019nun liberal demokrasi ele\u015ftirisi, ilk bak\u0131\u015fta, t\u0131pk\u0131 kapitalizme y\u00f6nelik ele\u015ftirilerinde oldu\u011fu gibi \u201cmarksizan\u201d bir nitelik ta\u015f\u0131yormu\u015f gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnmektedir. Top\u00e7u, demokrasinin dayand\u0131\u011f\u0131 temeller olan e\u015fitlik ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckten birincisinin sadece bi\u00e7imsel oldu\u011funu, insanlar\u0131n \u201ca\u011f\u0131llardaki hayvanlar gibi birbirine e\u015fit say\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131\u201d, ikincisinin yani \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn ise \u201chi\u00e7bir zaman ruhi ve ahlaki\u201d \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck manas\u0131n\u0131 kazanmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yler. Demokraside h\u00e2kimiyet, \u201ckuvvet z\u00fcmrelerinin elindedir.\u201d Halk bu z\u00fcmrelerin esiri durumundad\u0131r ve sermaye esareti bunlar\u0131n en ezici olan\u0131d\u0131r. Zaman\u0131m\u0131z demokrasilerinin hepsinin pen\u00e7esinde bunald\u0131\u011f\u0131 esirlik, b\u00fcy\u00fck sermayenin le\u015f gibi varl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan gelen esirliktir.\u201d ([1969],2004:128)
\nAncak Top\u00e7u\u2019nun liberal demokrasi ele\u015ftirisinin leitmotifi bu marksizan \u00f6\u011feler de\u011fildir. O, Nietzsche\u2019nin aristokratik muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131\u011f\u0131na benzer bir \u015fekilde kitlelerin siyasete kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131ndan ve bi\u00e7imsel haliyle de olsa e\u015fitlikten b\u00fcy\u00fck rahats\u0131zl\u0131k duymaktad\u0131r (12). Herkesin ayn\u0131 oy hakk\u0131na sahip olmas\u0131n\u0131 demokrasinin en \u00f6nemli mahzuru olarak g\u00f6ren Top\u00e7u\u2019ya g\u00f6re, bu rejimde \u201cbilenle bilmeyen bir olmakta\u201d ve \u201chayat\u0131n\u0131n kemal mevsimine ula\u015fm\u0131\u015f olgun ve faziletli bir h\u00e2kim ile psikopat bir katil yan yana oy\u201d kullanmaktad\u0131rlar.\u201d ([1964],2004:120) Demokrasinin ikinci \u00f6nemli mahzuru ise, \u201chalk iradesi\u201dnin niteli\u011fiyle ilgilidir:
\n\u201cHalk\u0131n iradesi, daima \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu te\u015fkil eden a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 tabakan\u0131n iradesidir. Alimle filozofun de\u011fil, cahilin ve ayak tak\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n dilekleridir. D\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnenlerin de\u011fil, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmeyenlerin \u00e7ok \u00e7e\u015fitli duygularla kar\u0131\u015f\u0131k, uza\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6remeyen, telkin ve taklit mahsul\u00fc heveslerinin karma\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. Onda yak\u0131n ve mahdut fayda unsurlariyle kin, hased ve z\u00fcmre gururlar\u0131 kar\u0131\u015f\u0131kt\u0131r. O, \u2018saf bir irade\u2019 olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi \u2018y\u00fcksek bir dilek\u2019 de de\u011fildir. Halk\u0131n iradesi, umumi menfaat\u0131 tam olarak i\u00e7ine almad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi istikbali de ihata edemez. Halk, kendi hay\u0131r ve \u015ferrini \u00e7ok kere iyi bilmez. Ruh ve maddenin fark\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7emez. Teraziye koydu\u011fu zaman, ufak bir maddi nimeti b\u00fcy\u00fck bir ruh eserine \u00e7ok kere \u00fcst\u00fcn g\u00f6r\u00fcr. Halk kendini \u015fa\u015f\u0131rtan ve perde arkalar\u0131ndan idare eden sinsi kuvvetleri de g\u00f6remez. Halk\u0131n cehaleti en b\u00fcy\u00fck d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131 iken, bu cehlini hayat\u0131na h\u00e2kim k\u0131lmak kendi kendisine zul\u00fcm de\u011fildir de nedir?\u201d ([1964],2004: 139-140)
\nTop\u00e7u\u2019nun ruh\u00e7u sosyalizminin y\u00f6netici s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131, onun \u201cmillet mistikleri\u201d dedi\u011fi ki\u015filerden olu\u015facakt\u0131r. \u201cToprak ve iman sentezini derin bir felsefi-mistik kavray\u0131\u015fla de\u011ferlendiren ve ilerleten\u201d (\u00d6\u011f\u00fcn, 1992b:154) millet mistikleri ruh\u00e7u sosyalizmde \u201cmilli irade\u201dyi temsil edecekler ve bu vesayet\u00e7i y\u00f6netim \u201cger\u00e7ek demokrasi\u201d olacakt\u0131r. Bu, \u00d6\u011f\u00fcn\u2019\u00fcn de belirtti\u011fi \u00fczere, \u201cPlatoncu anlamda bir bilgeler y\u00f6netimi\u201d ile b\u00fcy\u00fck bir benzerlik ta\u015f\u0131makta ve vesayet\u00e7i niteli\u011fi ile de onu Kemalizm\u2019e benzer k\u0131lmaktad\u0131r (\u00d6\u011f\u00fcn, 1992b: 154-155).
\nElitizm ve otoriter bir y\u00f6netime duyulan inan\u00e7 bir araya gelince, fa\u015fist ideolojiye meyil ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olacakt\u0131r \u015f\u00fcphesiz. Top\u00e7u fa\u015fizmde, arad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ahlak nizam\u0131n\u0131 ve ilahi otorite ile milli iradenin m\u00fckemmel bir \u015fekilde eklemleni\u015fini g\u00f6r\u00fcr. \u201cAlman milli sosyalizmi, devlet sosyalizminin en m\u00fckemmel ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmesi olmu\u015ftur\u201d diyen Top\u00e7u\u2019ya g\u00f6re;
\n\u201cFa\u015fist devlet, yery\u00fcz\u00fcnde ilahi iradenin ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmesidir ve kendili\u011finden ahlakidir. Otorite ideal olan milli irade taraf\u0131ndan istenmi\u015ftir. Ve bu istekle milli irade Allah\u2019a ba\u011flanmaktad\u0131r. \u0130lahi iradenin tecellisi olan fa\u015fist devlet, milletin b\u00fct\u00fcn unsurlar\u0131n\u0131 birle\u015ftirici, i\u00e7timai \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n hepsini eline al\u0131c\u0131 ve en sa\u011flam nizama ula\u015fmak gayesinde olan cemiyet \u00fczerinde en kuvvetli otoriteyi kullan\u0131c\u0131d\u0131r.\u201d ([1950]1999: 232)
\nTop\u00e7u\u2019nun kapitalizm kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131, bu kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131n anti-kom\u00fcnizmle yan yana ye\u015ferdi\u011fi b\u00fct\u00fcn sa\u011f ideolojilerde oldu\u011fu gibi, onun d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesini de ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olarak fa\u015fist bir karaktere b\u00fcr\u00fcnd\u00fcr\u00fcr. \u201c\u0130nsan \u015fahsiyeti\u201dnin kurtulu\u015fu i\u00e7in \u201cruhi ve ahlaki bir otoriteye teslim olmak\u201d tek \u00e7are olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr ([1964],1978: 261). Top\u00e7u da, kendisini fa\u015fizmin kapitalizmle olan ba\u011flant\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 ve modernist karakterini g\u00f6rememe maluliyetinden kurtaramaz ve kolayl\u0131kla fa\u015fizmin mistizm orijinli anti-modernizminin ve nostaljiyle s\u00fcslenmi\u015f s\u00f6zde anti-kapitalizminin cazibesine kap\u0131l\u0131verir (13).
\nT\u00fcrk muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n Top\u00e7u sonras\u0131 evriminde ise, anti-kapitalizm art\u0131k retorik d\u00fczeyde bile olsa kendisine herhangi bir yer bulamayacak, T\u00fcrk muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131\u011f\u0131 da, \u201cneo\u201d \u00f6n eki alan bat\u0131l\u0131 muadilleri gibi, k\u00fcresel kapitalizmin ideolojik cephaneli\u011fine tahkimat yapma misyonunu hakk\u0131yla yerine getirmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015facakt\u0131r. 3 Kas\u0131m 2002\u2019de yap\u0131lan se\u00e7imlerde i\u015fba\u015f\u0131na gelen ve ideolojisini \u201cmuhafazak\u00e2r demokrasi\u201d olarak tan\u0131mlayan AKP, \u201ck\u00fcreselle\u015fmenin icra komitesi\u201d olarak \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 tercih edecek, iktisadi alandaki k\u00f6ktenci piyasac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, siyasi ve toplumsal alandaki, aile ve din savunusu ile ve \u201chay\u0131rseverlik\u201d anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131yla birle\u015ftirecektir. Yaz\u0131y\u0131, b\u00f6ylesi bir tutumu, kendi zihniyet \u00e7er\u00e7evesi i\u00e7erisinden \u00e7ok uzun s\u00fcre \u00f6nce ele\u015ftirmi\u015f Top\u00e7u\u2019nun c\u00fcmleleri ile bitirmek ise manidar olacakt\u0131r:
\n\u201cYoksullara gelince, sosyal yard\u0131m\u0131n sadaka veya iane \u015feklinde onlara \u00e7evrilmesi de haks\u0131zl\u0131k, belki de zul\u00fcmd\u00fcr. Ba\u015fkalar\u0131n\u0131n hakk\u0131 olan r\u0131zk\u0131 onlara sadaka diye uzatan gururumuzun zulm\u00fcd\u00fcr. Hay\u0131r. B\u00fct\u00fcn insanlara haklar\u0131, hak diye verilmelidir\u2026\u201d ([?], 1999:110)<\/p>\n

D\u0130PNOTLAR
\n1) Bu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce belki de en iyi ifadesini Maistre\u2019nin \u015fu s\u00f6zlerinde bulmaktad\u0131r: 1795 Anayasas\u0131 da t\u0131pk\u0131 a\u011fabeyleri gibi, insan i\u00e7in yarat\u0131ld\u0131. Oysa d\u00fcnyada insan diye bir \u015fey yoktur. Ben hayat\u0131mda, Frans\u0131zlar, \u0130talyanlar, Ruslar vb. g\u00f6rd\u00fcm. Montesquieu sayesinde Fars olunabilece\u011fini de biliyorum ama insana gelince, ona hi\u00e7 rastlamad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131 belirtmeliyim; e\u011fer b\u00f6yle bir \u015fey varsa, benim haberim olmad\u0131.\u201d (Akt. Beneton, 1991: 33-34)
\n2) Tan\u0131l Bora, T\u00fcrk modernle\u015fmesinin ve Kemalizmin muhafazakar niteli\u011fi ile ilgili olarak \u015funlar\u0131 s\u00f6ylemektedir: \u201cT\u00fcrk Modernle\u015fmesine hakim olan paradigma, yani Kemalizm, ku\u015fkusuz kendisi hakk\u0131ndaki bilinci itibar\u0131yla muhafazakarl\u0131\u011fa ve kendini muhafazakar olarak alg\u0131layan konumlara kar\u015f\u0131tt\u0131r; ink\u0131lap\u00e7\u0131d\u0131r, ilericidir, cumhuriyet\u00e7idir, modernisttir. Ancak \u2018soyut\u2019 h\u00fcmanizmac\u0131l\u0131k ve kozmopolit bat\u0131l\u0131la\u015fmac\u0131l\u0131k, azimli savunucular\u0131 ve karikat\u00fcrle\u015ftirilen \u00f6rnekleri olmas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k h\u00e2kim \u00e7izgi olmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. H\u00e2kim \u00e7izgi, G\u00f6kalp\u2019in simgeledi\u011fi ama ona \u00f6zg\u00fc olmayan, medeniyet-k\u00fclt\u00fcr ayr\u0131m\u0131yla belirlenmi\u015ftir; modernle\u015fmeyi (yeni medeniyeti) \u2018T\u00fcrk Ruhu\u2019nu ihya edecek ila\u00e7 olarak g\u00f6ren bu zihniyet, \u2018T\u00fcrk \u0130nk\u0131l\u00e2b\u0131\u2019na i\u00e7sel olan muhafazak\u00e2r damard\u0131r. (1999: 71)
\n3) Bir \u00f6rnek: ABD 6. Filosunun 15 Temmuz 1968\u2019de \u0130stanbul\u2019a geli\u015fini protesto eden solcu \u00f6\u011frencilere kar\u015f\u0131 yedi sa\u011fc\u0131 kurulu\u015fun ortak bir bildiri yay\u0131nlamalar\u0131, \u201cAdanal\u0131 Gen\u00e7 Bozkurtlar\u201d imzal\u0131 bir bildiri ile \u015fu \u015fekilde ele\u015ftirilmi\u015ftir: \u201cAmerikan 6. Filosunun \u0130stanbul\u2019a gelmesiyle yap\u0131lan g\u00f6sterilere kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kmak amac\u0131yla, yedi sa\u011fc\u0131 kurulu\u015f taraf\u0131ndan bir bildiri yay\u0131nlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Alt\u0131 madde halinde s\u0131ralam\u0131\u015f olduklar\u0131 sudan sebeplerle n\u00fcmayi\u015f\u00e7ileri kom\u00fcnistlikle su\u00e7larken, kendileri de Amerika\u2019n\u0131n ma\u015fas\u0131 durumuna d\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015flerdir. (\u2026) Materyalizmin (Milliyetsizli\u011fin -Ahlaks\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n- Disiplinsizli\u011fin Gayesizli\u011fin ve Bencilli\u011fin) bir kolu olan Kapitalizmi savunmak, yine, Materyalizm kadar T\u00fcrk milletinin ve T\u00fcrk memleketinin k\u00f6t\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne olan, ana kayna\u011f\u0131 Materyalizm olan Marksist Sosyalizmi savunmak kadar k\u00f6t\u00fcd\u00fcr. (\u2026) T\u00fcrkl\u00fck \u015fuuru ve gururu ile, \u0130slam ahlak ve faziletinin, bu milletin temel felsefesi oldu\u011funu bilerek, tezimizin Milliyet\u00e7i-Toplumcu-Maneviyat\u00e7\u0131 bir g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f oldu\u011funu, b\u00fct\u00fcn T\u00fcrk Milletine duyurmay\u0131 vazife sayar\u0131z. Tanr\u0131 T\u00fcrk Milletini, ba\u015fta kapitalizm ve kom\u00fcnizm olmak \u00fczere, b\u00fct\u00fcn k\u00f6t\u00fcl\u00fcklerden korusun.\u201d (Feyizo\u011flu, 2000: 489)
\n4) \u00dclk\u00fcc\u00fc Hareketin ideologlar\u0131ndan olan ve bir i\u00e7 sava\u015f \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclebilecek komando kamplar\u0131n\u0131n kurulu\u015funda b\u00fcy\u00fck rol oynayan D\u00fcndar Ta\u015fer bunu a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a belirtir: \u201cTarih boyunca; T\u00fcrkiye Devleti Rusya\u2019n\u0131n tehdidine u\u011fram\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Rusya; bat\u0131 ile ittifak kurabildi\u011fi zaman T\u00fcrk topraklar\u0131n\u0131 b\u00f6l\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015fler. T\u00fcrkiye bat\u0131 ile birle\u015fti\u011fi zaman da, Rusya\u2019ya kar\u015f\u0131 toprak b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc muhafaza etmi\u015ftir. K\u0131r\u0131m Harbinde ve 1inci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019ndaki durumlar ortadad\u0131r. O halde \u015fu h\u00fckm\u00fc verebiliriz: T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin sa\u011flam, istikrarl\u0131 ve emin bir devlet olmas\u0131 Amerika i\u00e7in iktisadi ve politik bir ihtiya\u00e7t\u0131r. Amerika ve bat\u0131 ittifak\u0131n\u0131n devam etmesi de, T\u00fcrkiye i\u00e7in, siyasi ve milli bir emniyet unsurudur.\u201d (1979: 218)
\n5) Anadoluculuk ak\u0131m\u0131yla ilgili olarak bkz. Mithat Atabay, \u201cAnadoluculuk\u201d, Milliyet\u00e7ilik Modern T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de Siyasi D\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce (Milliyet\u00e7ilik) Cilt 4, (ed. Tan\u0131l Bora), \u0130leti\u015fim Yay\u0131nlar\u0131.
\n6) Nak\u015fibend\u00eelik ile T\u00fcrk Sa\u011f\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fki i\u00e7in bkz. Fatih Ya\u015fl\u0131, \u201cBir Uzla\u015fman\u0131n Tarih\u00e7esi: T\u00fcrk Sa\u011f\u0131, Devlet ve AKP\u201d, Bilim ve Gelecek, Say\u0131 51, May\u0131s 2008, s.34-43.
\n7) Hik\u00e2yenin neden y\u00f6neticileri k\u0131zd\u0131rm\u0131\u015f olabilece\u011fini a\u00e7\u0131klayan bir paragraf \u015fu \u015fekildedir: \u201c\u2026 Dinleyenler i\u00e7inde bir sarho\u015f vard\u0131. Her \u015fey bu sarho\u015fun elinde idi: Bunlara yedirip i\u00e7iren O idi. Bu ahenk onun emriyle kurulmu\u015ftu. O hangi havay\u0131 isterse \u00e7alg\u0131c\u0131lar o havay\u0131 \u00e7alarlard\u0131. Onun her emriyle hava de\u011fi\u015firdi. Bu de\u011fi\u015fen havalara dair \u00e7alg\u0131c\u0131lar\u0131n hi\u00e7bir fikri olamazd\u0131. Onlara verilen havay\u0131 \u00e7alarlard\u0131\u2026 Sarho\u015f alk\u0131\u015fland\u0131k\u00e7a \u015f\u0131mar\u0131yordu. Bir aral\u0131k aya\u011fa kalkt\u0131, kadehini havaya kald\u0131rd\u0131: \u2018Benden b\u00fcy\u00fck yok\u2019 diye ba\u011f\u0131rd\u0131\u2026 dinleyenler bu ulvi hareket kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda mest oldular ve \u2018Sen Allah\u2019s\u0131n, senden b\u00fcy\u00fck olamaz\u2019 dediler; tekrar tekrar hayk\u0131rd\u0131lar, hayk\u0131rd\u0131lar ve alk\u0131\u015flad\u0131lar.\u201d (akt. Mollaer, 2005: 29)
\n8) K\u00f6\u015feli parantez i\u00e7erisinde yer alan tarih, makalenin ilk yay\u0131nland\u0131\u011f\u0131 tarihi, devam\u0131ndaki tarih ise makalenin i\u00e7erisinde yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 kitab\u0131n bas\u0131m y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6stermektedir. Kaynak\u00e7an\u0131n sonuna, Top\u00e7u\u2019nun bu \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmada de\u011finilen makalelerinin k\u00fcnyeleri eklenmi\u015ftir. [?] bulunan makalelerin ilk yay\u0131nlanma tarihleri tespit edilememi\u015ftir.
\n9) Romantik s\u00f6zc\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc, Michael L\u00f6wy\u2019nin kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u015fekilde kullan\u0131yorum. L\u00f6wy, romantizmden \u201ckapitalizm \u00f6ncesi toplumlara duyulan nostalji ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel bir kapitalizm ele\u015ftirisi\u201d \u015feklinde s\u00f6z eder. \u201cRomantik d\u00fcnya g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnde kapitalizm \u00f6ncesi ge\u00e7mi\u015f \u00f6ncesi ge\u00e7mi\u015f, niteliksel de\u011ferlerin (kullan\u0131m de\u011ferleri ya da etik, estetik ve dinsel de\u011ferler) h\u00e2kimiyeti, \u00fcyeler aras\u0131nda organik cemaat ya da duygusal ba\u011flar\u0131n -niceli\u011fi, fiyat\u0131, paray\u0131, metalar\u0131, k\u00e2r\u0131 ve atomizasyonu temel alan modern kapitalist uygarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n tersine- \u00f6nemli rol\u00fc gibi bir dizi erdeme (ger\u00e7ek, k\u0131smen ger\u00e7ek ya da hayali) sahiptir.\u201d (L\u00f6wy, 1999:17\u201318)
\n10) Top\u00e7u\u2019nun keskin modernite ele\u015ftirisine ve anti-pozitivizmine bakarak, onu Frankfurt Okulu ile ayn\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnsel \u00e7izgiye yerle\u015ftirme ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesini \u201cyerli ele\u015ftirel sosyal teori\u201d olarak adland\u0131rma giri\u015fimleri olmu\u015ftur (\u00f6rn. bkz. Y\u0131ld\u0131r\u0131m, 2006:141 vd.). Ancak, bu y\u00fczeysel bir benzerliktir ve a\u015fa\u011f\u0131da da tart\u0131\u015f\u0131laca\u011f\u0131 gibi Top\u00e7u d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnsel anlamda bamba\u015fka bir yerde durmaktad\u0131r. Top\u00e7u\u2019ya mutlaka bir Bat\u0131l\u0131 muadil bulmak istenirse, s\u00f6z konusu isim, bu yaz\u0131n\u0131n devam\u0131 okudu\u011funda daha iyi anla\u015f\u0131labilece\u011fi gibi, Nasyonal Sosyalizmde moderniteye kar\u015f\u0131 gelene\u011fin g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc g\u00f6ren Heidegger\u2019den ba\u015fkas\u0131 olmayacakt\u0131r.
\n11) Top\u00e7u\u2019nun m\u00fclkiyet kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki ikircikli tavr\u0131, anti-kapitalist olma iddias\u0131ndaki b\u00fct\u00fcn sa\u011f ideolojiler i\u00e7in ge\u00e7erlidir asl\u0131nda: Bir yandan, sermaye temerk\u00fcz\u00fcn\u00fcn ve b\u00fcy\u00fck m\u00fclkiyetin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 etkinin fark\u0131nda olmak; fakat bir yanda da, m\u00fclkiyetin muhafaza edilmek istenen b\u00fct\u00fcn geleneksel hiyerar\u015finin ve kurumlar\u0131n temelini olu\u015fturdu\u011funun biliniyor olmas\u0131. Bu ikisi aras\u0131ndaki gerilimi a\u015fmak i\u00e7in tedav\u00fcle sokulan retorik ise bellidir: herkes m\u00fclk sahibi yap\u0131lacakt\u0131r
\n12) Nietzsche ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00f6nemin liberal ve sosyalist ak\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 ayn\u0131 kefeye koyar ve her ikisinin de ortak amac\u0131n\u0131n ancien regimein hiyerar\u015fik d\u00fczeninin yerine kitlelerin \u201cs\u00fcr\u00fc ahlak\u0131\u201dn\u0131n ge\u00e7erli oldu\u011fu, hayata ve g\u00fcce d\u00fc\u015fman bir d\u00fczen kurmak oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yler. \u201cS\u00fcr\u00fc ahlak\u0131\u201dn\u0131n y\u00fckseli\u015fi, bir decadance (\u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f) belirtisidir ve decadance Nietzsche\u2019nin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin ana sorunsal\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturmaktad\u0131r. Bu konuda bkz. Nietzsche (2003a ve 2003b).
\n13) Tam da bu nedenle Top\u00e7u\u2019nun odas\u0131nda Mehmet Akif\u2019le Hitler\u2019in foto\u011fraflar\u0131n\u0131n yan yana durmas\u0131 (Emre, 2006:47) \u201canla\u015f\u0131labilir\u201d g\u00f6r\u00fcnmektedir.<\/p>\n

KAYNAK\u00c7A
\n– Arg\u0131n, \u015e\u00fckr\u00fc (2003) \u201cSiyaset\u2019in Ta\u015fras\u0131nda Ta\u015fran\u0131n Siyasetini Tahayy\u00fcl Etmek\u201d, Modern T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de Siyasi D\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce (Muhafazakarl\u0131k) Cilt 5 (ed. Ahmet \u00c7i\u011fdem), \u0130leti\u015fim Yay\u0131nlar\u0131.
\n– Atabay, Mithat (2002) \u201cAnadoluculuk\u201d, Modern T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de Siyasi D\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce (Milliyet\u00e7ilik) Cilt 4 (ed. Tan\u0131l Bora), \u0130leti\u015fim Yay\u0131nlar\u0131.
\n– Bora, Tan\u0131l (1999) T\u00fcrk Sa\u011f\u0131n\u0131n \u00dc\u00e7 Hali, Birikim Yay\u0131nlar\u0131.
\n– Emre, Akif (2006) \u201cNurettin Top\u00e7u\u2019da \u00d6teki D\u00fcnyalar\u201d, Hece, Say\u0131: 109.
\n– Feyizo\u011flu, Turhan (2000) F\u0131rt\u0131nal\u0131 Y\u0131llarda \u00dclk\u00fcc\u00fc Hareket, Ozan Yay\u0131nlar\u0131.
\n– K\u00f6ker, Levent (1992) \u201cLiberalizm-Muhafazakarl\u0131k \u0130li\u015fkisi \u00dczerine\u201d, Demokrasi \u00dczerine Yaz\u0131lar, \u0130mge Kitabevi Yay\u0131nlar\u0131.
\n– L\u00f6wy, Michael (1999) D\u00fcnyay\u0131 De\u011fi\u015ftirmek \u00dczerine Karl Marx\u2019tan Walter Benjamin\u2019e Siyaset Felsefesi Denemeleri (\u00e7ev. Yavuz Alogan), Ayr\u0131nt\u0131 Yay\u0131nlar\u0131.
\n– Mollaer, F\u0131rat (2006) \u201cT\u00fcrk Sosyalizmine Bir Katk\u0131\u201d, Hece, Say\u0131: 109.
\n– Nisbet, Robert (1990) \u201cMuhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131k\u201d, Sosyolojik \u00c7\u00f6z\u00fcmlemenin Tarihi (der. Tom Bottomore, Robert Nisbet), Verso Yay\u0131nlar\u0131.
\n– Nietzsche, Friedrich (2003a) Deccal, \u00e7ev. Oru\u00e7 Aruoba, \u0130thaki Yay\u0131nlar\u0131.
\n– Nietzsche, Friedrich (2003b) Ahlak\u0131n Soyk\u00fct\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u00dczerine, \u00e7ev.Ahmet \u0130nam, Say Yay\u0131nlar\u0131.
\n– \u00d6\u011f\u00fcn, S\u00fcleyman Seyfi (1992a) \u201cNurettin Top\u00e7u \u00dczerine Baz\u0131 Dikkatler\u201d, Nurettin Top\u00e7u\u2019ya Arma\u011fan, (ed. Ezel Elverdi), Derg\u00e2h Yay\u0131nlar\u0131.
\n– \u00d6\u011f\u00fcn, S\u00fcleyman Seyfi (1992b) T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de Cemaat\u00e7i Milliyet\u00e7ilik ve Nurettin Top\u00e7u, Derg\u00e2h Yay\u0131nlar\u0131.
\n– Ta\u015fer, D\u00fcndar (1979) Mesele, T\u00f6re-Devlet Yay\u0131nlar\u0131.
\n– Top\u00e7u, Nurettin (1978) Milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fimizin Esaslar\u0131, Derg\u00e2h Yay\u0131nlar\u0131.
\n– Top\u00e7u, Nurettin (1999) Ahlak Nizam\u0131, Derg\u00e2h Yay\u0131nlar\u0131.
\n– Top\u00e7u, Nurettin (2004) \u0130radenin Davas\u0131 Devlet ve Demokrasi, Derg\u00e2h Yay\u0131nlar\u0131.
\n– Y\u0131ld\u0131r\u0131m, Erg\u00fcn (2006) \u201cNurettin Top\u00e7u\u2019da Sosyolojik Tahayy\u00fcl: Yerli Ele\u015ftirel Sosyal Teori\u201d, Hece, Say\u0131: 109.<\/p>\n

Yaz\u0131da at\u0131f yap\u0131lan Nurettin Top\u00e7u makalelerinin k\u00fcnyeleri
\n– \u201cBizi Ya\u015fatan Kuvvet\u201d, Hareket, V\/53, May\u0131s 1970.
\n– \u201cT\u00fcrk \u0130slam Harikas\u0131\u201d, Hareket, IV\/41, May\u0131s 1969.
\n– \u201cMilliyet\u00e7ilik\u201d, Ak\u015fam, 2 Kas\u0131m 1972.
\n– \u201cBizde Milliyet\u00e7ilik Hareketleri\u201d, Hareket I\/3, Nisan 1939.
\n– \u201cMilliyet\u00e7ili\u011fimizin Esaslar\u0131\u201d, Hareket VII\/73, Ocak 1972.
\n– \u201cMuhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131k ve \u0130nk\u0131l\u00e2p\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k\u201d, Hareket V\/60, Aral\u0131k 1970.
\n– \u201c\u0130stismar\u0131 Kald\u0131ran Adalet\u201d, Kom\u00fcnizme Kar\u015f\u0131 M\u00fccadele, Say\u0131:23, 15 Temmuz 1951.
\n– \u201cKapitalizmin D\u00fcnyas\u0131\u201d, Hareket, V\/58, Ekim 1970.
\n– \u201cMukavele ve M\u00fclkiyet\u201d, Hareket, III\/6, May\u0131s 1953.
\n– \u201cAvrupa\u201d, Hareket, I\/9, \u015eubat 1943.
\n– \u201cAnadolu K\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc ve Sosyalizm\u201d, Hareket, III\/31, Temmuz 1968.
\n– \u201cArad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z Nizam\u201d, Kom\u00fcnizme Kar\u015f\u0131 M\u00fccadele, Say\u0131:10, 15 A\u011fustos 1951.
\n– \u201cKom\u00fcnizm ve \u0130deal\u201d, Kom\u00fcnizme Kar\u015f\u0131 M\u00fccadele, Say\u0131 10, 15 Aral\u0131k 1950.
\n– \u201cMilliyet\u00e7ili\u011fimiz Kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda Kom\u00fcnizm\u201d, Yeni \u0130stiklal, 1962.
\n– \u201cKom\u00fcnizmin Ak\u0131beti\u201d, Kom\u00fcnizme Kar\u015f\u0131 M\u00fccadele, Say\u0131:16, 15 Mart 1951.
\n– \u201cMillet ve Kom\u00fcnizm\u201d, Kom\u00fcnizme Kar\u015f\u0131 M\u00fccadele, Say\u0131:1, 1950.
\n– \u201cSosyalizm ve \u015eekilleri\u201d, Kom\u00fcnizme Kar\u015f\u0131 M\u00fccadele, Say\u0131:8, 15 Kas\u0131m 1950.
\n– \u201cArad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z Nizam\u201d, Kom\u00fcnizme Kar\u015f\u0131 M\u00fccadele Say\u0131:24, 15 A\u011fustos 1951.
\n– \u201cDemokrasi ve \u0130nsan\u201d, Hareket IV\/40, Nisan 1969.
\n– \u201cDemokrasi Ahlak\u0131\u201d, Yeni \u0130stanbul, 28 Aral\u0131k 1964.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Muhafazak\u00e2r d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin, Frans\u0131z Devrimi\u2019ne y\u00f6nelik bir tepkinin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc oldu\u011funu biliyoruz. Muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131\u011f\u0131n ilk ve en \u00f6nemli metinleri devrimin hemen ard\u0131ndan yay\u0131nlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r ve muhafazak\u00e2r teori, devrimden \u201c\u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lan dersler\u201d \u00fczerine in\u015fa edilmi\u015ftir. Edmund Burke\u2019\u00fcn \u201cFransa\u2019daki Devrim Hakk\u0131ndaki D\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceler\u201di, Louis de Bonald\u2019\u0131n \u201cSiyasi ve Dini \u0130ktidar\u0131n Teorisi\u201d isimli kitab\u0131 ve Joseph de Maistre\u2019nin \u201cFransa Hakk\u0131nda D\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceler\u201dinin ortak noktas\u0131 Frans\u0131z […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":51,"featured_media":59416,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[90],"tags":[6295,719,9123],"class_list":["post-59266","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-52-sayi","tag-islamcilik","tag-muhafazakarlik","tag-nurettin-topcu"],"acf":[],"aioseo_notices":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/bilimvegelecek.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/59266","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/bilimvegelecek.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/bilimvegelecek.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/bilimvegelecek.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/51"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/bilimvegelecek.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=59266"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/bilimvegelecek.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/59266\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/bilimvegelecek.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/59416"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/bilimvegelecek.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=59266"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/bilimvegelecek.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=59266"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/bilimvegelecek.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=59266"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}