{"id":9566,"date":"2009-03-01T13:25:12","date_gmt":"2009-03-01T11:25:12","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/109.232.216.219\/~bilimvegelecek\/?p=9566"},"modified":"2017-05-19T13:28:21","modified_gmt":"2017-05-19T10:28:21","slug":"gramsciyi-yeniden-okumak","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/bilimvegelecek.com.tr\/index.php\/2009\/03\/01\/gramsciyi-yeniden-okumak","title":{"rendered":"Gramsci\u2019yi yeniden okumak"},"content":{"rendered":"

Antonio Gramsci (1891-1937), 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l marksizminin belki de yazd\u0131klar\u0131 \u00fczerine en \u00e7ok d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclen ve tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lan kuramc\u0131s\u0131. \u00d6zellikle II. D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019ndan sonra eserlerinin yay\u0131mlanmaya ba\u015flamas\u0131yla beraber, Gramsci \u00fczerine hem siyaset bilimi literat\u00fcr\u00fcnde hem de marksist yaz\u0131nda \u00f6nemli bir \u00e7e\u015fitlili\u011fin ve birikimin olu\u015ftu\u011funu s\u00f6ylemek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn. Perry Anderson\u2019\u0131n New Left Review<\/em> dergisinin 100. say\u0131s\u0131nda yay\u0131mlanan \u201cThe Antinomies of Antonio Gramsci\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 uzun denemesi de bu birikimin temel metinlerinden birisini olu\u015fturuyor.<\/p>\n

Anderson incelemesine, solun \u00e7ok farkl\u0131 kesimlerinin kendilerini Gramsci\u2019ye dayand\u0131rd\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla da, Gramsci\u2019nin yazd\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n lay\u0131k\u0131yla incelenip kavranm\u0131\u015f oldu\u011funu s\u00f6ylemenin m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirterek ba\u015flar (1). Gramsci\u2019nin sol siyasette ve siyaset bilimi literat\u00fcr\u00fcnde bunca farkl\u0131 yorumunun bulunmas\u0131n\u0131n sebepleri ise a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r: Mussolini d\u00f6nemi \u0130talya\u2019s\u0131ndaki hapishanelerde gerekli kaynaklardan yararlanamama ve sans\u00fcr\u00fc atlatma zorunlulu\u011fu (2). Anderson, s\u0131k\u00e7a tekrarlanan bu yaz\u0131l\u0131\u015f ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131n yan\u0131 s\u0131ra bir ba\u015fka etmene daha dikkat \u00e7eker. Ona g\u00f6re, Marx ve Lenin\u2019in ka\u00e7amad\u0131\u011f\u0131 kaderden Gramsci de nasibini alm\u0131\u015f ve eski bir kelime da\u011farc\u0131\u011f\u0131 ile k\u00f6kten yeni kavramlara ula\u015fma gereklili\u011fi, baz\u0131 anlamlar\u0131n \u00e7arp\u0131k iletimine yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Marx\u2019\u0131n, yeni nosyonlar\u0131 Hegel ya da Smith\u2019in, Lenin\u2019in ise Plehanov\u2019la Kautsky\u2019nin dilinde d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek zorunda kalmas\u0131 gibi, Gramsci de kavramlar\u0131n\u0131 genellikle Croce ile Machiavelli\u2019nin ajandalar\u0131ndan \u00fcretmek zorunda kalm\u0131\u015f ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla da devral\u0131nm\u0131\u015f dilin \u00f6nc\u00fcye dayatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bulan\u0131kl\u0131k, \u00fcretilen metni, bir nevi hiyerogliflerdeki gizli d\u00fczineye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr (3). T\u00fcm bu nedenlerden \u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fc Gramsci\u2019ye ait k\u00fclliyat\u0131n sistemli bir bi\u00e7imde, b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde yeniden incelenmesi gereklili\u011fini vurgulayan Anderson, \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131nda art\u0131k neredeyse Gramsci\u2019yle \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015fen hegemonya kavram\u0131n\u0131n Hapishane Defterleri<\/em>\u2019ndeki kesin bi\u00e7im ve i\u015flevlerini tahlile giri\u015fir.<\/p>\n

Hegemonya kavram\u0131, siyaset bilimi literat\u00fcr\u00fcnde Gramsci\u2019ye atfedilen ve siyasal olgunun, sadece devlet kat\u0131nda de\u011fil, t\u00fcm toplumsal ili\u015fkileri kapsay\u0131c\u0131 bir \u015fekilde var oldu\u011funu ifade eden bir kavramd\u0131r (4). Anderson yayg\u0131n olan bu kan\u0131n\u0131n aksine hegemonya kavram\u0131n\u0131n, Gramsci taraf\u0131ndan kullan\u0131lmaya ba\u015flanmadan \u00f6nce de marksist yaz\u0131nda \u00e7ok uzun bir ge\u00e7mi\u015finin oldu\u011funu ve terimin 1890\u2019lardan 1917\u2019ye kadar Rus Sosyal-Demokrat hareketinin en temel siyasi ifadelerinden biri oldu\u011funu belirtir (5). Anderson\u2019a g\u00f6re, terimin kodlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 fikir ilk kez Plehanov\u2019un 1883-84 y\u0131llar\u0131ndaki yaz\u0131lar\u0131nda g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr ve kavram bu kullan\u0131mdaki haliyle Rusya\u2019daki i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n i\u015fverenlere kar\u015f\u0131 ekonomik m\u00fccadeleyle yetinmeyip, \u00c7arl\u0131k y\u00f6netimine kar\u015f\u0131 siyasi m\u00fccadele de vermesi gereklili\u011fine i\u015faret etmektedir. Bu tarihten Ekim Devrimi\u2019ne kadarki s\u00fcre\u00e7te, burjuva devriminde i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n rol\u00fc meselesi ba\u011flam\u0131nda kilit bir rol oynayan kavram, 1917\u2019den sonra da Komintern\u2019in d\u0131\u015fa a\u00e7\u0131k belgelerinde, farkl\u0131 anlamlar kazanmakla beraber, varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 korumaya devam eder. Anderson\u2019a g\u00f6re, Gramsci\u2019nin hegemonya kavram\u0131n\u0131 kullan\u0131\u015f\u0131, do\u011frudan do\u011fruya Komintern\u2019in i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n sermayenin bask\u0131s\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 ortak m\u00fccadelede di\u011fer s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclen s\u0131n\u0131flarla, her \u015feyden \u00f6nce de k\u00f6yl\u00fcl\u00fckle s\u0131n\u0131f ittifak\u0131 ve burjuvazinin proletarya \u00fczerindeki egemenli\u011fi anlam\u0131ndaki tan\u0131mlamalar\u0131ndan kaynaklan\u0131r. Gramsci\u2019nin katk\u0131s\u0131 ise, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n feodal bir d\u00fczene kar\u015f\u0131, burjuva devrimindeki rol\u00fc ba\u011flam\u0131nda \u00fcretilmi\u015f hegemonya kavram\u0131n\u0131, istikrarl\u0131 bir kapitalist toplumda i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 \u00fczerinde burjuva egemenlik mekanizmas\u0131n\u0131 kapsayacak \u015fekilde geni\u015fletmi\u015f olmas\u0131 ve hegemonya fikrine kazand\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc k\u00fclt\u00fcr vurgusu sayesinde ayd\u0131nlar konusunda marksizme a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 kanaldad\u0131r (6).<\/p>\n

Anderson hegemonya terimine verilen anlam\u0131n, Do\u011fu\u2019da i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n toplumsal ittifaklar\u0131ndan Bat\u0131\u2019daki burjuva iktidarlar\u0131n\u0131n yap\u0131sal sorunlar\u0131na ge\u00e7i\u015fini belirttikten sonra, Hapishane Defterleri<\/em>\u2019ndeki kilit kavramlar\u0131n aras\u0131ndaki \u00fc\u00e7 ayr\u0131 ili\u015fkiyi incelemeye ba\u015flar. Devletin burjuvazinin s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclen s\u0131n\u0131flara bask\u0131 veya silahl\u0131 tahakk\u00fcm alan\u0131 ve sivil toplumun da burjuvazinin k\u00fclt\u00fcrel y\u00f6nlendirme veya g\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc hegemonya alan\u0131 oldu\u011fu tezleri ak\u0131lda tutularak; ilk olarak Gramsci\u2019nin Do\u011fu\u2019yla Bat\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki fark\u0131 form\u00fcle edi\u015fi ve bu tasnifte sivil toplum ve devletin birbirine kar\u015f\u0131 konumlan\u0131\u015f\u0131 ele al\u0131n\u0131r. Gramsci\u2019ye g\u00f6re Do\u011fu\u2019da devlet \u201cher \u015fey\u201d iken, sivil toplum \u201cilkel ve peltemsi\u201d, Bat\u0131\u2019da ise sivil toplum ge\u00e7irdi\u011fi sars\u0131nt\u0131lara kar\u015f\u0131 dayan\u0131kl\u0131, g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ve sa\u011flam b\u00fcnyeli; devlet de s\u00f6z\u00fc edilen sivil toplumun yaln\u0131zca \u201cd\u0131\u015f hende\u011fini\u201d olu\u015fturan bir ayg\u0131tt\u0131r. Anderson\u2019a g\u00f6re bu form\u00fclasyonun amac\u0131, \u00c7arl\u0131k Rusyas\u0131 ile temsili siyasi demokrasinin varoldu\u011fu Bat\u0131 Avrupa aras\u0131ndaki a\u00e7\u0131k ve temel fark\u0131 ortaya koymakt\u0131r ve Gramsci\u2019nin b\u00fcy\u00fck teorik de\u011feri, fark sorunsal\u0131n\u0131 kendisinden \u00f6nceki ve sonraki t\u00fcm marksistlerden \u00e7ok daha \u0131srarl\u0131 ve tutarl\u0131 bir bi\u00e7imde i\u015flemi\u015f olmas\u0131ndad\u0131r (7).<\/p>\n

\u0130fade edilmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lan tasnifin do\u011fal sonucu, devrimci m\u00fccadelenin niteli\u011finde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar. Do\u011fu\u2019dakinin aksine, devlet kurumlar\u0131n\u0131n kitleleri do\u011frudan bask\u0131 alt\u0131na al\u0131p engellemedi\u011fi bir siyasi demokraside, burjuvazinin hegemonyas\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcren sivil toplumdur ve sistem bask\u0131ya de\u011fil r\u0131zaya dayanmaktad\u0131r. Bu y\u00fczden de, Bat\u0131\u2019daki devrimcilerin ana g\u00f6revi devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131yla silahl\u0131 m\u00fccadele de\u011fil, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n burjuvaziye teslimiyetten kurtar\u0131labilmesi i\u00e7in ideolojik olarak d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclmesidir. Anderson, \u00f6zellikle Avrupa\u2019daki sosyal demokrat partilerin kendilerini dayand\u0131rd\u0131klar\u0131 bu yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 \u015fiddetle ele\u015ftirir. Anderson\u2019a g\u00f6re s\u00f6z konusu yakla\u015f\u0131mdaki yanl\u0131\u015flardan en \u00f6nemlisi, Bat\u0131 toplumlar\u0131nda burjuvazinin ideolojik iktidar\u0131n\u0131n her \u015feyden \u00f6nce sivil toplumdaki hegemonyan\u0131n temsile dayal\u0131 devletin demokrasi potansiyelini tarafs\u0131zla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 san\u0131s\u0131d\u0131r. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 parlamentoda yer alarak y\u00f6netime kat\u0131labilir ancak, ileti\u015fim ara\u00e7lar\u0131 ile k\u00fclt\u00fcrel denetimin di\u011fer ayg\u0131tlar\u0131n\u0131 sosyalizme ula\u015fmak i\u00e7in kullanamaz. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla da, Gramsci\u2019nin burjuva s\u0131n\u0131f iktidar\u0131n\u0131n ideolojik i\u015flevlerini sivil toplum ve devlet aras\u0131nda payla\u015ft\u0131rmak yollu ilk form\u00fcl\u00fc Anderson\u2019a g\u00f6re ge\u00e7ersizdir (8).<\/p>\n

Gramsci\u2019nin sivil toplum ve devlet kavramlar\u0131 aras\u0131nda inceledi\u011fi ikinci ili\u015fki bi\u00e7iminde, sivil topluma devlet kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fck atfedilmez ve hegemonya, devlet ile sivil toplum aras\u0131nda payla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131l\u0131r. Anderson\u2019\u0131n deyi\u015fiyle Gramsci bu versiyonla birlikte, devletle sivil toplumdaki ideolojik kontrol ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n birlikte mevcudiyetini ortaya koymaktad\u0131r. Bu versiyonda hegemonya kavram\u0131na verilen anlam da farkl\u0131la\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Art\u0131k hegemonya ile yaln\u0131zca k\u00fclt\u00fcrel \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fck de\u011fil, zorlama da ima edilmektedir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla da, hegemonyan\u0131n normal i\u015fleyi\u015finin karakterini art\u0131k zor ile r\u0131zan\u0131n birle\u015fimi olu\u015fturmaktad\u0131r. Anderson\u2019a g\u00f6re, Gramsci bu yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131nda da hataya d\u00fc\u015fmektedir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc zor kullan\u0131m\u0131 hukuken kapitalist devletin tekelindedir. \u201cZor+r\u0131za olarak hegemonyan\u0131n hem sivil toplumda, hem de devlette ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde varoldu\u011funu s\u00f6ylemek do\u011fru de\u011fildir. Sivil toplumda bask\u0131 kullanman\u0131n hukukta yeri yoktur. Devlet bask\u0131 hakk\u0131n\u0131 kendine saklar.\u201d (9) Gramsci\u2019nin s\u00f6z konusu ayr\u0131m\u0131 fark edemeyi\u015findeki temel etmen ise muhtemelen, Anderson\u2019\u0131n da belirtti\u011fi gibi, 1921-22 y\u0131llar\u0131nda \u0130talya\u2019da ya\u015fanan devlet mekanizmas\u0131 d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda serbest\u00e7e hareket eden fa\u015fist askeri birliklerin ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131d\u0131r. Terimleri aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fki \u00fczerine Gramsci\u2019nin \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc versiyonunda ise, hem politik toplum hem de sivil toplum devlete dahildir. Bu versiyonda hegemonya, bir bask\u0131 ve r\u0131za sentezi olarak devlet ile sivil topluma yay\u0131lm\u0131\u015f say\u0131lmamakta; art\u0131k, daha geni\u015f bir \u00fcst birlikte kayna\u015fm\u0131\u015f bulunmaktad\u0131r. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla da, ger\u00e7ekte devlet ve sivil toplum bir ve ayn\u0131 \u015feydir. \u0130kinci versiyonun d\u00fczeltilmesi say\u0131labilecek bu yakla\u015f\u0131mdaki sorun ise, devletle sivil toplum aras\u0131ndaki ayr\u0131m\u0131n t\u00fcmden ortadan kalkmas\u0131d\u0131r. Althusser ve taraftarlar\u0131n\u0131n benimsedi\u011fi bu \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm, Anderson\u2019\u0131n ifadesiyle, Bat\u0131 burjuva demokrasisinin \u00f6zg\u00fcll\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc belirtmek i\u00e7in yap\u0131lacak her t\u00fcrl\u00fc giri\u015fimi imk\u00e2ns\u0131z k\u0131lmaktad\u0131r (10).<\/p>\n

G\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gibi Rusya\u2019da, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ittifak kuraca\u011f\u0131 toplumsal katmanlar\u0131 ikna ile kazanmas\u0131n\u0131n ifadesi olan hegemonya terimi, Gramsci taraf\u0131ndan Bat\u0131\u2019da burjuvazinin kendi y\u00f6netimi i\u00e7in i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131ndan g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc onay \u015feklinde kavramla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Kavrama bu aktar\u0131m kolayl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kazand\u0131ran, i\u00e7erdi\u011fi r\u0131za anlam\u0131d\u0131r. Anderson hegemonya kavram\u0131n\u0131 derinlemesine analiz ettikten sonra, Gramsci\u2019nin Bat\u0131 Avrupa\u2019yla Do\u011fu aras\u0131ndaki farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131 tespitine geri d\u00f6ner ve s\u00f6z konusu farklar\u0131 tespit etmekteki amac\u0131n, sosyalizm i\u00e7in m\u00fccadelenin stratejisini olu\u015fturmak oldu\u011funu vurgular. Devam\u0131nda da olu\u015fturulan strateji \u00e7evresindeki tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131, Luxemburg\u2019dan Tro\u00e7ki\u2019ye, Kautsky\u2019den Bordiga\u2019ya uzanan bir yelpazede yeniden ele al\u0131r. Sonu\u00e7 olarak Anderson\u2019\u0131n \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n, 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n neredeyse \u00fczerine en \u00e7ok d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclen marksist kuramc\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n Croce ve Machiavelli\u2019deki d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnsel kaynaklar\u0131ndan Rusya ve Avrupa\u2019daki \u00e7a\u011fda\u015flar\u0131na dek izini s\u00fcren, Gramsci\u2019nin siyasal d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin kavran\u0131labilmesi i\u00e7in olduk\u00e7a \u00f6nemli bir inceleme oldu\u011fu s\u00f6ylenebilir.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Perry Anderson, \u201cGramsci: Hegemonya, Do\u011fu-Bat\u0131 Sorunu ve Strateji\u201d, \u00c7ev. Tar\u0131k G\u00fcnersel, Salyangoz Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul, Ocak 2007, 134 sayfa.<\/strong><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

D\u0130PNOTLAR<\/strong><\/p>\n

1) Perry Anderson, Gramsci: Hegemonya, Do\u011fu-Bat\u0131 Sorunu ve Strateji<\/em>, \u00c7ev. Tar\u0131k G\u00fcnersel, Salyangoz Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul, 2007, s.17.<\/p>\n

2) Ountin Hoare ve Geoffrey Nowell Smith(eds), Selections From the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci<\/em>, Lawrence and Wishart, London, 1971, s.x\u0131-x\u0131v.<\/p>\n

3) Anderson, a.g.e., s.18.<\/p>\n

4) Bir \u00f6rnek i\u00e7in bkz. Nur Vergin, Siyasetin Sosyolojisi: Kavramlar, Tan\u0131mlar, Yakla\u015f\u0131mlar<\/em>, (3. Bask\u0131), Ba\u011flam Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul, 2004, s.75.<\/p>\n

5) Kavram\u0131n Rusya\u2019daki Marksist literat\u00fcrde nas\u0131l kullan\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131na bir \u00f6rnek i\u00e7in bkz. Lev Tro\u00e7ki, Rus Devriminin Tarihi, Cilt 1, \u015eubat Devrimi: \u00c7arl\u0131\u011f\u0131n Devrilmesi<\/em>, \u00c7ev. B\u00fclent Tanatar, Yaz\u0131n Yay\u0131nc\u0131l\u0131k, \u0130stanbul, 1998, s.316.<\/p>\n

6) Anderson, a.g.e., s.35-41. Bu konuda ayr\u0131ca bkz. Raymond Williams, Anahtar S\u00f6zc\u00fckler<\/em>, (2. Bask\u0131), \u00c7ev. Sava\u015f K\u0131l\u0131\u00e7, \u0130leti\u015fim Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul, 2006, s.174-175.\u00a0 Anne Showstack Sassoon, \u201cHegemonya\u201d maddesi, \u00c7ev. Meral \u00d6zbek, Marksist D\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce S\u00f6zl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc<\/em>, der. Tom Bottomore, (4. Bask\u0131), \u0130leti\u015fim Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul, 2005, s.273-275.<\/p>\n

7) Anderson, a.g.e., s.47.<\/p>\n

8) Anderson, a.g.e., s. 48-50.<\/p>\n

9) Anderson, a.g.e., s. 55.<\/p>\n

10) Anderson, a.g.e., s. 57-58.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Antonio Gramsci (1891-1937), 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l marksizminin belki de yazd\u0131klar\u0131 \u00fczerine en \u00e7ok d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclen ve tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lan kuramc\u0131s\u0131. \u00d6zellikle II. D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019ndan sonra eserlerinin yay\u0131mlanmaya ba\u015flamas\u0131yla beraber, Gramsci \u00fczerine hem siyaset bilimi literat\u00fcr\u00fcnde hem de marksist yaz\u0131nda \u00f6nemli bir \u00e7e\u015fitlili\u011fin ve birikimin olu\u015ftu\u011funu s\u00f6ylemek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn. Perry Anderson\u2019\u0131n New Left Review dergisinin 100. say\u0131s\u0131nda yay\u0131mlanan \u201cThe Antinomies of […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":176,"featured_media":9568,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[99,510,222,29,511],"tags":[633,238],"class_list":["post-9566","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-61-sayi","category-surekli-bolumler","category-tarih","category-toplum","category-yayin-dunyasi","tag-siyaset-bilimi","tag-tarih"],"acf":[],"aioseo_notices":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/bilimvegelecek.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/9566","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/bilimvegelecek.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/bilimvegelecek.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/bilimvegelecek.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/176"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/bilimvegelecek.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=9566"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/bilimvegelecek.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/9566\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/bilimvegelecek.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/9568"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/bilimvegelecek.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=9566"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/bilimvegelecek.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=9566"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/bilimvegelecek.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=9566"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}